(89) And they began to bring forth beasts of the field and birds, so that there arose different geneANSWER: lions, tigers, wolves, dogs, hyenas, wild boars, foxes, squirrels, swine, falcons, vultures, kites, eagles, and ravens; and among them was born a white bull.

(5) And the representation of the earth contains men, cattle, reptiles, wild beasts; and of the inhabitants of the water, fishes and whales; and again, of the winged tribes, those that are carnivorous, and those that rise mild food; and of plants likewise, both fruit-bearing and barren.

(8) The Image of the Ox denotes the strong and the mature, turning up the intellectual furrows for the reception of the heavenly and productive showers; and the Horns, the guarding and indomitable. The representation of the Eagle denotes the kingly, and soaring, and swift in flight, and quickness in search of the nourishment which makes strong, and wanness, and agility, and cleverness; and the unimpeded, straight, and unflinching gaze towards the bounteous and brilliant splendour of the Divine rays of the sun, with the robust extension of the visual powers. That of Horses represents obedience and docility, and of those who are white, brilliancy, and as especially congenial to the Divine Light; but of those who are dark blue, the Hidden; and of those red, the fiery and vigorous; and of the piebald, the uniting of the extremes by the power passing through them, and joining the first to the second, and the second to the first, reciprocally and considerately. Now if we did not consult the proportion of our discourse, we might, not inappropriately, adapt the particular characteristics of the aforesaid living creatures, and all their bodily representations to the Heavenly Powers, upon the principle of dissimilar similitudes; for instance, their appearance of anger, to intellectual manliness, of which anger is the remotest echo, and their desire, to the Divine love; and to speak summarily, referring all the sensible perceptions, and many parts of irrational beings, to the immaterial conceptions and unified Powers of the Heavenly Beings. Now not only is this sufficient for the wise, but even an explanation of one of the dissimilar representations would be sufficient for the accurate description of similar things, after the same fashion.

Yaldabaoth said to the authorities with him, Come, let us create a human being after the image of god and with a likeness to ourselves, so that this human image may give us light. They created through their respective powers, according to the features that were given to them. Each of the authorities contributed a psychical feature corresponding to the figure of the image they had seen. They created a being like the perfect first human and said, Let us call it Adam, that its name may give us power of light. The powers began to create: The first one, goodness, created a soul of bone. The second, forethought, created a soul of sinew. The third, divinity, created a soul of flesh. The fourth, lordship, created a soul of marrow. The fifth, kingdom, created a soul of blood. The sixth, jealousy, created a soul of skin. The seventh, understanding, created a soul of hair. The throng of angels stood by and received these seven psychical substances from the authorities in order to create a network of limbs and trunk, with all the parts properly arranged. The first one, who is Raphao, began by creating the head, Abron created the skull, Meniggesstroeth created the brain, Asterechme the right eye, Thaspomocha the left eye, Yeronumos the right ear, Bissoum the left ear, Akioreim the nose, Banen-Ephroum the lips, Amen the teeth, Ibikan the molars, Basiliademe the tonsils, Achcha the uvula, Adaban the neck, Chaaman the vertebrae, Dearcho the throat, Tebar the right shoulder, N——the left shoulder, Mniarchon the right elbow, ——e the left elbow, Abitrion the right underarm, Euanthen the left underarm, Krus the right hand, Beluai the left hand, Treneu the fingers of the right hand, Balbel the fingers of the left hand, Krima the fingernails, Astrops the right breast, Barroph the left breast, Baoum the right shoulder joint, Ararim the left shoulder joint, Areche the belly, Phthaue the navel, Senaphim the abdomen, Arachethopi the right ribs, Zabedo the left ribs, Barias the right hip, Phnouth the left hip, Abenlenarchei the marrow, Chnoumeninorin the bones, Gesole the stomach, Agromauma the heart, Bano the lungs, Sostrapal the liver, Anesimalar the spleen, Thopithro the intestines, Biblo the kidneys, Roeror the sinews, Taphreo the backbone, Ipouspoboba the veins, Bineborin the arteries, Aatoimenpsephei the breaths in all the limbs, Entholleia all the flesh, Bedouk the right buttock, Arabeei the left buttock, . . . the penis, Eilo the testicles, Sorma the genitals, Gormakaiochlabar the right thigh, Nebrith the left thigh, Pserem the muscles of the right leg, Asaklas the muscle of the left, Ormaoth the right leg, Emenun the left leg, Knux the right shin, Tupelon the left shin, Achiel the right ankle, Phneme the left ankle, Phiouthrom the right foot, Boabel its toes, Trachoun the left foot, Phikna its toes, Miamai the toenails, Labernioum. . . . Those who are appointed over all these are seven in number: Athoth, Armas, Kalila, Yabel, Sabaoth, Cain, Abel. Those who activate the limbs are, part by part: the head, Diolimodraza, the neck, Yammeax, the right shoulder, Yakouib, the left shoulder, Ouerton, the right hand, Oudidi, the left one, Arbao, the fingers of the right hand, Lampno, the fingers of the left hand, Leekaphar, the right breast, Barbar, the left breast, Imae, the chest, Pisandraptes, the right shoulder joint, Koade, the left shoulder joint, Odeor, the right ribs, Asphixix, the left ribs, Sunogchouta, the abdomen, Arouph, the womb, Sabalo, the right thigh, Charcharb, the left thigh, Chthaon, all the genitals, Bathinoth, the right leg, Choux, the left leg, Charcha, the right shin, Aroer, the left shin, Toechtha, the right ankle, Aol, the left ankle, Charaner, the right foot, Bastan, its toes, Archentechtha, the left foot, Marephnounth, its toes, Abrana. Seven have been empowered over all these: Michael, Uriel, Asmenedas, Saphasatoel, Aarmouriam, Richram, Amiorps. Those who are over the senses are Archendekta, the one who is over perception is Deitharbathas, the one who is over imagination is Oummaa, the one who is over arrangement is Aachiaram, the one who is over all impulse to action is Riaramnacho. The source of the demons that are in the entire body is divided into four: heat, cold, wetness, dryness. The mother of them all is matter. The one who is lord over heat is Phloxopha, the one who is lord over cold is Oroorrothos, the one who is lord over what is dry is Erimacho, the one who is lord over wetness is Athuro. The mother of all these, Onorthochras, stands in the midst of them, for she is unlimited and mingles with them all. She is matter, and by her they are nourished. The four principal demons are: Ephememphi, the demon of pleasure, Yoko, the demon of desire, Nenentophni, the demon of grief, Blaomen, the demon of fear. The mother of them all is Esthesis-Ouch-Epi-Ptoe. From the four demons have come passions: From grief come jealousy, envy, pain, trouble, distress, hardheartedness, anxiety, sorrow, and others. From pleasure comes an abundance of evil, vain conceit, and the like. From desire come anger, wrath, bitterness, intense lust, greed, and the like. From fear come terror, servility, anguish, and shame. All these are like virtues and vices. The insight into their true nature is Anaro, who is head of the material soul, and it dwells with Esthesis-Z-Ouch-Epi-Ptoe. This is the number of angels. In all they number 365. They all worked together until, limb by limb, the psychical and material body was completed. Now, there are others over the remaining passions, and I have not told you about them. If you want to know about them, the information is recorded in the Book of Zoroaster.

(6) Then they said to them: "Because it has not been possible for you to talk, you shall be changed. We have changed our minds: Your food, your pasture, your homes. and your nests you shall have; they shall be the ravines and the woods, because it has not been possible for you to adore us or invoke us. There shall be those who adore us, we shall make other [beings] who shall be obedient. Accept your destiny: your flesh shall be tom to pieces. So shall it be. This shall be your lot." So they said, when they made known their will to the large and small animals which are on the face of the earth. They wished to give them another trial; they, wished to make another attempt; they wished to make [all living things] adore them. But they could not understand each other's speech; they could succeed in nothing, and could do nothing. For this reason they were sacrificed and the animals which were on earth were condemned to be killed and eaten. For this reason another attempt had to be made to create and make men by the Creator, the Maker, and the Forefathers.

(3) And every God by his own proper power brought forth what was appointed him. Thus there arose four-footed beasts, and creeping things, and those that in the water dwell, and things with wings, and everything that beareth seed, and grass, and shoot of every flower, all having in themselves seed of again-becoming. And they selected out the births of men for gnosis of the works of God and attestation of the energy of Nature; the multitude of men for lordship over all beneath the heaven and gnosis of its blessings, that they might increase in increasing and multiply in multitude, and every soul infleshed by revolution of the Cyclic Gods, for observation of the marvels of Heaven and Heaven's Gods' revolution, and of the works of God and energy of Nature, for tokens of its blessings, for gnosis of the power of God, that they might know the fates that follow good and evil [deeds] and learn the cunning work of all good arts.

(3) And on the six days of the second week we brought, according to the word of God, unto Adam all the beasts, and all the cattle, and all the birds, and everything that moveth on the earth, and everything that moveth in the water, according to their kinds, and according to their types : the beasts on the first day; the cattle on the second day ; the birds on the third day ; and all that which moveth on the earth on the fourth day ; and that which moveth in the water on the fifth day.

(6) Aye, these things wilt Thou give (to him), O Thou Ahura Mazda! and through Thy bounteous spirit, (and) by Thy Fire as in a good bestowal to the two striving (throngs) through the prosperous increase of our Piety, and of the Righteous ritual and moral Truth; for that (Piety of ours instructing) doth teach the many coming ones who seek her (face)! 147:1 Or, 'to us;' but in that case it would be the Kine who 'took counsel' as mentioned in the third verse. This is, however, far from impossible, as she is mentioned as uttering her wail, and being answered by her maker in Y. XXIX, 1, 2. So understanding, 'to us' becomes an admirable rendering for verse 1; but in verse 3, it is strained, as the Kine for whom (Y. XXIX, 9) Zarathustra was appointed, could not so readily be declared to be the one which was given to 'us,' she representing 'us' in that place to a great extent. There is a certain plausibility about the rendering 'to us,' but I think ahmâi refers to ashaonê understood (see verses 4 and 5). The Pahlavi, moreover, is against a first person. 147:2 Dãn (Geldn.) seems to be a 3rd plural aorist subjunctive; the p. 148 plural being owing to the fact that Ahura gives with the other Ameshôspends. Dã, might also be the relic of the proper word which represents the participle; comp. dãs (sic). 148:1 The idea of the summum bonum seems to have early developed itself, and from this constant use of this word in the neut. singular and plural, and also with anghu. 148:2 Notice once more the pronounced personification of both Vohu Manah and Âramaiti; see Y. XXX, 8, and Y. XLIV, 14, &c. The Pahlavi translation notices the dual form pavan kolâ II yadman. 148:3 The Pahlavi seems to lead those who regard ôyâ as = a form of ava; it has zak î. 148:4 This is the ahmâi of the first verse, (but always possibly = 'to us,' if the verses are not to be brought into any kind of connection.) Otherwise it obviously refers to ashâunê* in 4 and 5; so the Pahlavi throughout. See ahmâi and hôi in LI, 6. 149:1 Many would say that we have here an instance in which the identity of Âramaiti with the earth is recognised in the Gâthas. I would say, on the contrary, that here we have an instance in which a poetical conception gave rise to a later error or fantastical association. Piety, with frugal virtue, induced a thorough husbandry; and secured the hushiti, peaceful home-life. She gave meadow to the Kine; at the next step she poetically represents the meadows, and then the earth. If vâstrâi, it would be for 'nurture.' 149:2 Or 'she,' as she once bewailed in a colloquy. Otherwise the person who was appointed to care for her interests is meant. Compare Y. XXXIII, 6, where the righteous Zaotar speaks as desiring counsels (hemparstôis) in the interest of the pastures, and the laws of the sacred agriculture. Cp. also the later reproduction of the idea in an extended form in the Vendîdâd. The zaotar of Y. XXXIII, 6, may have been the ashavan of verses 4 and 5. 149:3 Voc. with K5 (Barth.). 149:4 The Pahlavi gives us, as usual, our first surmise as to the meaning of 'kâthê;' I follow Geldner with regard to it as against Haug. The expressions here are not literal. 149:5 Isvâkît connects only indirectly with kaseuskît, as kâthê intervenes. I regard paraos akô dregvâitê as presenting the true antithesis to kaseuskît nâ ashâunê. The isvâ may have kît merely from the influence of jingle, being at the head of the line like kaseus; isvâ means p. 150 of itself 'possessing means.' Paraos may depend on kâthê understood, as kaseus depends on it expressed. Moreover, his in all the instances in which it is used ends the sense, and here is separated by the caesura from paraos, which, however, is of no great importance. The discourse is of the wicked; the holy are incidentally mentioned, and here their ill-treatment is signalised. Akô cannot well mean 'hostile' here; see also akât in the following verse. Isvâkît, if understood with nâ, alters nothing. 'A man was desirous of (little for the service of the saint, but even when he himself was rich, in the desire) of much was the evil for the evil.' Or, taking kaseuskît as governed by isvâkît understood with kâthê as before understood in the last line: 'Only a man (men) (possessed) of little was at the service of the righteous, while an evil man (men) possessed of much (was at the service) of the wicked.' The other translation is: 'Even a man of little means stands to the willing service of the saint, but a man even of large means is hostile (?) to the wicked.' This is very glib and so attractive, but I cannot accept it in view of the context. Gâthic expression is often unfortunately far from glib; but cramped, awkward, and apt to contain more thought than could be conveniently expressed within the counted number of syllables. The glib rendering needs other language than that in the MSS. See the following verse, which directly contrasts the treatment of the good and evil by Ahura Himself. 150:1 See ahmâi in verse 1, and ashaunê in verse 4. Ahura treats the saint in a manner the reverse from that practised by the nâ kaseus* and akô, not giving sparingly to the good, nor much to the wicked. 150:2 The Pahlavi gives us our first surmise here, as usual, by gavîd min hanâ î lak dôshisnîh. 151:1 Or, 'by the two aráni;' but compare the ãsayau in Y. XXXI, 2 just preceding ranôibyâ; so here the ashavan and dregvant are mentioned in a preceding verse. The Pahlavi is unvarying with patkardârânŏ. I will not positively decide as to this point; generally, however, the preferred rendering is in the text, while on very many questions there is nearly an even balance of probabilities. 151:2 Or, 'chooses to herself;' but a causative sense may be expressed by an intensive form; the Pahlavi also here bears evidence in the same sense to a causative by hêmnunêd, itself, however, meaning only the object caused; namely, the belief. Next: Yasna XLVIII Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism « Previous: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... Index Next: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... » Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism

(1) And all dependent from Above are subdivided into species in the fashion which I am to tell. The genera of all things company with their own species; so that the genus is a class in its entirety, the species is part of a genus. The genus of the Gods will, therefore, make the species of the Gods out of itself. In like way, too, the genus of the daimons, and of men, likewise of birds, and of all [animals] the Cosmos doth contain within itself, brings into being species like itself. There is besides a genus other than the animal,—a genus, or indeed a soul, in that it’s not without sensation,—in consequence of which it both finds happiness in suitable conditions, and pines and spoils in adverse ones;—I mean [the class] of all things on the earth which owe their life to the sound state of roots and shoots, of which the various kinds are scattered through the length and breadth of Earth.

(16) (And) this entire (reward of the righteous) is from that Best One who teaches in the wide (mental) light of the pious , ruling (as supreme), O Mazda Ahura ! whose are my woes and my doubtings (yea, they lie in His power to heal), when I shall make (my prophets) men to be sought for the harm of the wicked. And this I shall do by the word of my mouth (to defend and avenge my saints)! 56:1 See, however, the notes. 56:2 Compare XXXI, 15, 18. 57:1 Some prominent teacher, representing the entire Daêva-party, is alluded to; see verses 6, 7, 9, 10. 57:2 Compare yâsâ in XXVIII, 2. 57:3 Or, 'his are the Daêvas;' but the verb yâsat perhaps affords a sufficient expression for Daêvâ; yâsen or hentî may be understood. We may also understand the Daêvas here, as the embodied Daêvas, in the manner in which the pious worshipper is called Vohu Manah. That Daêva should however be used quite simply for Daêva-worshipper in this early composition is not probable. In the later Avesta it is frequent usage. 57:4 Or, 'the friend;' I recoil as much as possible from abstracts, but the Pahlavi has hû-ravâkh-manîh, and Geldner admirably proposed brahman. 57:5 Aîghsân min Lekûm lakhvâr yakhsenunêm; so the Pahlavi translation, first venturing on the meaning 'holding back from;' dar in the sense of pâ, which latter in Iranian can mean hold back from advantages as well as from misfortunes. High modern authority coincides with the most ancient authority on this latter point. It is apt to be a subject of scepticism with some who neglect the evidence of tradition. 57:6 'Pavan sardârîh î Vohûman;' Ner. svâmîtâyâm*. It seems difficult to apply the meaning 'being as a refuge' here; see the following 'from His Kingdom.' 57:7 Lit. 'glorious.' This casts light upon the expression hvanvaitîs verezô. 58:1 Aîgh Spendarmad Lekûm raî sapîr dôshêm [bûndak minisnîh] zak î lanman aîtŏ [aîghmânŏ pavan tanû mâhmân yehevûnâd]. Neryosangh: To these the Great Wise (One), the Lord, answered in the lordship of the highest (best) mind; [that is, if, or since, Gvahmana had arrived, as a guest, within (their) body]; from Saharevara he answered [ ] through (their) righteousness, from the well-inclined, and through good conduct, [if truly good conduct had arrived as a guest within (their) body]. And he said: I befriend your Earth (so Âramaiti was later understood), the perfect-minded one, and your highest one; she is mine [ ]. 58:2 Compare Yasna XXX, 6. Where the Daêvas are approached by the worst mind as they are consulting. 58:3 As those who offer sacrifice to these Daêvas are mentioned separately, we are forced to concede a large idea to the composer. He addresses the Daêvas as poetically conceived to be present, and not merely their worshippers as in verse 1. And this must have its weight in the exegesis of other passages. 58:4 The Pahlavi translator has kabed. Or mas for mashyô (?). 58:5 Or possibly arrogance, avarmînisntar; Ner. apamanastaraska. 58:6 Sâtûnînêd freely, but indicating the root. The word is a locative. 58:7 The seven karshvars, or quarters of the earth, were already known. 58:8 I correct frô me (= man) mathâ (adj. nom. pl.; compare yimâ keredushâ and ma mashâ). I do so after the admirable reading of the Pahlavi translator, as frâz mînisnŏ vardînêd [aîghas barâ frîfêd, afas mînisnŏ barâ avŏ vinâs kardanŏ vardînêd]. Ner. prakrishtam manah—mathnâti. Notice that akistâ is awkward as a masc., although I have so rendered as more personal. 58:9 Vakhshyentê stood in the ancient writing used by the Pahlavi translator, as also now in some of our surviving MSS.; otherwise p. 59 reading vakhshentê with Justi and most others, and mîmathâ with Bartholomae: 'Ye have caused that men who produce the worst results are flourishing, loved of the Daêvas (as they are).' But in the Casuslehre, Hübschmann preferred 'sie sprechen was den Devas angenehm ist,' also reading vakhshentê (?) (page 240). 59:1 So the Pahlavi also indicates asân Vohûman sîzd; Ner. Gvahmanah* dûre* âste. 59:2 Improper subjunctive; otherwise ye (have) beguiled. 59:3 The Pahlavi also freely frîfêd ansûtâân pavan hû-zîvisnîh. 59:4 Frakinas far from necessarily means 'gave'; 'assigned,' 'indicated' renders it more closely. The Pahlavi has here correctly, but freely, kâshêd. 59:5 The Pahlavi has here salîtâîh for khshayô, and in XXVIII, 8 it has pâdakhshâ for khshayâ. I do not think that the word is an accusative there. A simple accusative does not so naturally fall to the end of the sentence in Gâthic; it is generally in apposition when so situated. The nominatives tend toward the end of the sentence. 59:6 Ner.: It is through both of these that he is deceiving (sic, unable to follow the Pahlavi which probably renders as a second plural; see mûn lekûm) mankind in regard to prosperity and immortality, [(saying) if it is possible to live, immortality lies in our path]. Since he is yours, O ye base-minded! O ye base Devas! he is inculcating the lowest actions [of the miscreants; he says that sovereignty [is from Âharmana; (that is, the sovereignty) of certain ones (meaning over every one)]. The Gâthic verbatim is as follows: Therefore ye beguiled (would beguile) man of-happy-life, of-immortality-and since you with-evil mind (you) who-(are)-and Daêvas’ (worshippers) the evil-and spirit with an-evil (-word as concerning) action with-word (rules), by p. 60 which (same) means (has-)commanded the wicked (his) ruler (nom. sing. masc.; see Y. XXVIII, 8). The nom., as in Vedic, at the end. 60:1 Or, Full of crime ye have striven to attain your ends (?) by those things which are reported. (If verse 5 originally preceded) enakhstâ would naturally be regarded as a singular as paouru-aênâo is an impossible plural masculine. It might, however, be a singular used collectively. In that case we could put the verb in the plural with verse 5 in view. As to concrete or abstract, the first is obviously correct, and is also so rendered by the Pahlavi translation. 60:2 Vid (with the perf. vaêdâ) seems to occur in the Gâthas in this sense. Or, 'Thou knowest with the Best Mind.' 60:3 Or 'in the memorised recital;' Ner. prakatam kalayati. 60:4 Parsi-persian MS.: Bisyâr kînah-varzandah kînah ‘hwâhad, [kûs wanâh-kârân pâdafrâh kûnêd], kih, guft + srûd îstêd [kih guft îstêd]; kû, kih ôsân bî-sumâr [kû, pâdafrâh pah ân zamân tamâm bih kunand, kih ruwân bâz ân tan dehad]. Z̤âhir sumâr-kunandah Hôrmuzd [kû pah wanâh wa kirfah sumâr-kunand]; wân i buland âgâh pah Bahman [muzd dânad; kû ân kih bâyad dâdan]. Pah ân i Tû i Sumâ, Hôrmuzd! ‘hudâ, ân i Ṣawâb âmû‘htan bih dânêstuwân (sic vid); [kih Sumâ padisâhî tamâm bih bêd + ya‘hnî + bâsad, har kas pah nêkî âgâh bih bâsad]. 60:5 The Pahlavi has kînîkânŏ. 60:6 The hvaêtu of the first verse, the dussasti of the ninth, &c. 60:7 The Pahlavi curiously errs with his rôshanŏ = clear; Ner. parishphutatarah. It would be straining a point to call him free in interpreting what is 'collected' and so 'obvious' as 'clear.' We must, however, never forget that the supposed error of the Pahlavi is sometimes the reflex of our own (often necessary) ignorance. Vîdvau must refer back to the same subject as a yâ in the first verse, or possibly to Aka Manah, going a step further back. 61:1 Possibly, 'which are by Thee announced as destined and proper to be smitten.' The Pahlavi has mûn zanisnŏ âmûkhtênd (sic). Jôyâ = jâyâ to jan, as âkâyia is to kan. 61:2 Compare other allusions to weapons, snaithisâ, and possibly dakhshtem. 61:3 So also the Pahlavi, ristak and pâdafrâs. 61:4 Naêkît vîdvau and vaêdistô ahî are in antithesis and emphatic. 61:5 A literal rendering of this difficult verse would be as follows: Of these wretches, nothing knowing (is he that) for the smiting (dat. jâ, jan; cp. form Sk. jâ, jan) (are) the-collected-things, which things (as) victorious (read jayâ) are declared forth, by which things) he has been heard (of) through glittering iron, of which things Thou, O-Ahura I the ruin, O-Mazda! most knowing art. Others take senghaitê in the sense of 'cut' (?) and render very differently. 61:6 The Pahlavi has shedâân; Ner. tân dveshinah. 61:7 Or 'teaching,' so the Pahlavi; Ner. samâsvâdayati. 61:8 The Pahlavi translator hits the true rendering here: 'from among these I am chosen out by Thee.' Otherwise we have a question: Am I of these? The allusion is to the fall of Yima. As to the first eating of the flesh of beasts, recall Genesis ix. 3. Some have rendered: With regard to these I am of Thine opinion, O Mazda (?). 61:9 The Pahlavi may be rendered as follows: Among (of) these demons Yima of the Vîvanhânas is famed to have been a wicked scourge. It was he who taught men thus: Eat ye our flesh in pieces [wide as the beast, long as the arm—(or better with West, 'in lapfuls and armfuls')]. From among these [ ] I am chosen out by Thee, O Aûharmazd! hereafter; [that is, even by Thee I am considered as good]. 62:1 An improper subjunctive. Otherwise: He (has) destroyed (not irretrievably, of course; the case was not decided, and finally issued favourably). 62:2 Apô—yantâ; otherwise 'they would take'; Ner. apaharati. 62:3 Zak î li îshtî avôrtŏ [—khvâstak î pavan dastôbar]. 62:4 Pavan valmansân milayâ î mînavadîhâ; Ner. vâgbhih mânasavrittyâ aham—âkrandaye (not following our present Pahlavi text, the gloss however). Observe that in reading Ner. we by no means ipso facto read the Pahlavi, either in correct translation, or as following our texts., Compare XLVI, 2. 62:5 One thinks somewhat of the familiar foes of the Vedic kine; but there can be of course no connection. The Iranian sacred Cow did not represent the rain cloud, at least not at all directly. 62:6 Read viyâpat as a demon. without sign: 'v' was miswritten for 'y' as often 'y' for 'v.' The Pahlavi language, not to speak of the Pahlavi translation, suggests it. How are we to account for the word vîyâvânînêd? We should not arrest our philology at the Zend and Sanskrit. The long vowel is most awkward for a comparison with the Indian vap = shear. And I think that 'destroying the means of irrigation' gives good a meaning as 'shearing the land.' Notice that elsewhere a more correct form appears, vîâpôtemem (Vd. III, 15, (51 Sp.))=viyâpôtemem. 62:7 Literally, 'he will discharge his club at the righteous.' 63:1 The Pahlavi translator erroneous, or free, as to kikôiteres, indicates the proper sense of mazibîs by pavan masâî [—pavan pêshpâyîh va pâspâyîh—]; but Neryosangh, mahattayâ-purah-saratayâ. 63:2 Comp. XXXI, 12, 'there high his voice lifts the truthful or liar.' 63:3 Literally, 'he takes.' 63:4 Riknah vindisnŏ. 63:5 Kadak-khûdâî gabrâ nêsman. 63:6 Reshînênd; see V, 10. The ablative of the cause, comp. ashât hakâ; otherwise with Hübschm., 'Sie die Schaden nehmen mögen durch den besten heiligen Geist, O Mazda!' (Casuslehre, s. 241.) 63:7 The Pahlavi translator had probably before him a text reading rashayen; he renders freely rêsh srâyênd. With such a text which is far preferable to the one afforded by the MSS. we may read: Whereby (yéna) men will be opposing and retarding (literally wounding) the doctrines which (are derived) from the best (moral and ceremonial) action; but to these men Mazda declared: Evil (are ye). See the previous verse. 63:8 See the previous verse. 63:9 The Pahlavi has hû-ravâkh-manîh yemalelûnd. 64:1 So also indicated by the Pahlavi bavîhûnd. 64:2 There is elsewhere evidence enough of a desire to encroach upon the truth. 64:3 So also indicated by bavîhûnêd. 64:4 Or, 'which kingdoms, sovereign power.' 64:5 Comp. XXX 6. 64:6 Or, 'they gladly complain;' so also the Pahlavi: Mûn—garzisnŏ kâmak. The singular gîgerezat is difficult with yaêkâ. Many would alter the text at once, and the temptation is great. 64:7 Hübschm., 'ye îs pât daresât ashahyâ der sie abhalte vom Schauen des Asha' (Casus. 241). So of XLVI, 4. So also indicated by pâdênd mîn nikêzisnŏ î Aharâyîh; evidence of a struggle, or at least of a desire on the part of a rival party to possess themselves of some religious privilege or precedence. See the previous verse; also XXXI, in: Never, O Mazda! never shall the thriftless and thieving one share the good doctrine. See still further XLIV, 15, where the two hosts meet in hostility 'on account of the doctrinal vows.' 64:8 Grehma appertains to, but is not the particular evil teacher referred to throughout. The Pahlavi translator indicates bribery as the meaning of the word. Possibly some impious chieftain is meant whose procedure was of that nature. The word omits in the plural. 64:9 Â hôi; Thwôi is difficult. Or (see Y. XLIV, 14), 'Thine understanding has subdued the Kavis.' The Pahlavi translator renders masîh, as if he had read ahuthwôi, offering an important alternative. p. 65 Read: In his dominion he has established the Kavis and their intended plans. Reading hôithôi, 'his G. is to be bound.' 65:1 The predecessors of the Pahlavi translator seem to have understood the word var(e)kau as conveying the idea of power rather than that of brilliancy. He renders freely pavan zak î varzânân avârûnŏ dânâkânŏ. Supposing the text to stand, and not supplying a formation from var(e)z, we may hold that there existed a var(e)k beside var(e)z, as there undoubtedly was a har(e)k (see hareke) beside har(e)z. This casts light on the Vedic várkas. 65:2 Amatik padîrênd valman darvandân aîyyârîh [ ] amatik avŏ Tôra zanisnŏ gûftŏ. The sufferings of the sacred Kine form the central thought of much that occurs. 65:3 Can gâus be a genitive here? But if a nominative, must not ye refer to it? How then could the Kine 'kindle' the aid of grace? A genitive looks difficult. It is, however, accepted by Spiegel, although he renders differently from my translation. The Pahlavi may give us invaluable relief here by restoring the text. The ancient translator read vaokayat. Reading with him, we might render: When the Kine which (yâ?) caused a death-removing help to be declared, was said to be meet for subjection (or slaying, reading an infinitive from gan). This rendering is more probable than that from saokayat. The Kine distinctly caused this help to be declared. See XXIX. But I make it a matter of principle to follow the MSS. in a first translation, where that is at all possible. 65:4 The Pahlavi translator differs greatly here, having taken anâis with adverbial force, and as possessing the a priv. (they being p. 66 not inclined). He also read somewhat as follows: anâis avaênî(?) as ye = from his non-inclination he was blind who (belongs to the Karpan and to the Kavi). Whether a truer text is indicated by him here is doubtful on account of XLIV, 13, and its nâshâmâ; but the unvarying explanation of the Kavis as blind probably derives its origin from some such reading here, or elsewhere in lost documents. Certainly if âis can be used as a particle, anâis is not altogether impossible in some such sense. Moreover, the Pahlavi translation here and elsewhere has afforded us such a multitude of valuable concretes, that we shall do well to think twice before we reject its most startling suggestions. Lit. trl. 'what (things are) of the K.' 66:1 The Pahlavi translation gives a fine suggestion in the concrete sense here; seeing the dual âbyâ, it explains it as referring to Haurvatât and Ameretatât, which is very probably correct. So Spiegel also renders. It is very difficult to decide in which sense yeng daintî nôit jyâteus khshayamaneng vasô is to be taken. If in an evil sense (as vase-khshayant is sometimes elsewhere taken) one might think of such a rendering as this: I have driven the Karpans' and Kavis' disciples hence to those (evil rulers) whom they (my servants) render no longer wanton tyrants over life. But these (my champion saints) shall be borne by the two to the home of Thy Good Mind. But strict grammar demands of us that tôi should refer back to yeng. Accordingly I suggest as above first. 66:2 Observe that Vohu Manah equals heaven. Recall XXX, 4, 'but for the holy Vahista Manah; that is heaven.' 66:3 The Pahlavi has ham; Neryosangh has sarvam. 66:4 Reading sâk(a)yãskît (P11, skyaskît; Pahlavi, âmûkhtisnŏ (sic); Ner., sikshâpanam). Otherwise syaskît, which may well mean 'lying, reposing' in the wide (mental) light of the pious (or of the offering). Geldner lately admirably suggests a 2nd sg. 66:5 Pavan farâkhû hûshîh. 66:6 If this 'best one' is the Ratu of XXXIII, 1, all is grammatically clear; but the expressions are rather strong in view of p. 67 XLVIII, 9, where similar language is certainly applied to Ahura. If Ahura is here meant, we have only one instance more to add to the many in which Ahura is spoken of in the third person, with an address to Him thrown in. See the differing views of XLV, 11. Possibly the 'Best One' was Ahura's Spenta Mainyu. 67:1 Zak î pavan gûmânîkîh. As to âithi, âithivant seems to prove that its meaning must be calamity also in this place. Otherwise one is strongly tempted to heed the vigorous indication of the Pahlavi translator. Here and in XLVIII, 9, he renders 'manifest,' 'what is clear in the midst of my doubt.' The etymology would be far simpler. Alternatively dvaêthâ = terror (bî). 67:2 Valman î pûmman khvâstâr. The Pahlavi sees 'to be desired' in ishyeng. Otherwise one might render: I will cause (verbal) missiles (comp. zastâ-istâis) to be cast forth from the mouth for the harm of the wicked. (SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE. 'Parch with drought' in verse 10 may be regarded as having figurative application. The destruction of the means of irrigation, so often resorted to in the same regions later, would point also to a literal sense, but 'waste our meadows like drought' is a safer expression. See further vivâpat, and vî âpem = vîyâpat, viyâpem.) Next: Yasna XXXIII Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism « Previous: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... Index Next: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... » Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism

(2) Every existing creature manifests some aspect of the intelligence or power of the Eternal One, who can never be known save through a study and appreciation of His numbered but inconceivable parts. When a creature is chosen, therefore, to symbolize to the concrete human mind some concealed abstract principle it is because its characteristics demonstrate this invisible principle in visible action. Fishes, insects, animals, reptiles, and birds appear in the religious symbolism of nearly all nations, because the forms and habits of these creatures and the media in which they exist closely relate them to the various generative and germinative powers of Nature, which were considered as prima-facie evidence of divine omnipresence.

(22) And to the wise are these things clear as to the one discerning with his mind (not blinded by the perverter ). With Thy Good Mind and Thy (holy) Kingdom he follows the Righteous Order both in his words and his actions. And to Thee, O Ahura Mazda! such a man shall be the most helpful and vigorous being (for he serves with every power )! 40:1 Roth, 'wollen wir Worte künden—ungern gehört von denen, welche nach des Unholds Geboten,' &c. Hübschmann preferring 'wir sprechen Worte nicht anhörbar für diejenigen' (Casuslehre, s. 223). A dative of the pronoun is certainly more natural than the ablative as inst. But on the whole agushtâ seems better in its ordinary sense, although in so rendering we are obliged to supply a word. 40:2 Valmansân mûn pavan âfrîngânîh î Drûg zak î Aharâyîh gêhân barâ, marenkînênd. 40:3 The Pahlavi may be rendered as follows: Both these benedictions, which I (we) recite as yours [the Avesta and Zand], we are teaching by word to him who is no hearer, [to the destroyer of sanctity (the heretical persecutor) [ ]]. Those who utterly slay the world of righteousness through the benedictions of the Drûg [ ], even those might be an excellent thing, if they would cause progress in what belongs to Aûharmazd. 40:4 Read perhaps advayâo; see the Pahlavi. Otherwise 'the way' advâo as panthâs; but the participle does not agree. Compare for meaning kavím ádvayantam, sákhâ ádvayâs.* 40:5 The Pahlavi renders 'in the soul' freely by 'believes:' Pavan nikîrisnŏ la hêmnunêdŏ as pavan zak î agûmânîkîh. The general indications are to be observed. 40:* Is it a loc.? 41:1 Comp. chap. XXIX, 2, where the Ratu is discussed; here the word might be the abstract. 41:2 Roth 'dieser beiden Parteien (Yasna XXXI).' 41:3 He repels and condemns the evil, and he hallows and helps the good. 41:4 Most striking is the use of mainyu. It is 'the Spirit' = God. It is 'His Spirit.' It is also used of man's spirit. 41:5 Or, 'from the two arani;' but see ãsayâo in verse 2. The Pahlavi translator has avŏ patkârdârânŏ shnâkhtârîh; so uniformly. In Y. XLIII, 12, K5 and most MSS., except K4, and likewise excepting the printed B.V.S., read ranôibyô which excludes the dual form; also the fire is not mentioned there. It is however far from impossible that the present Pahlavi translation may be a growth beyond an earlier one more in accordance with arani. The strivers, or fighters, might describe the two rubbing-sticks (?). 41:6 Aîmar (sic), vigârdâr. This meaning suits the connection admirably. The word is otherwise difficult, and this general sense is followed by some who do not so often cite the Pahlavi translator. 41:7 See verse 1. 41:8 Roth, 'wie ich alle lebenden bekehren soll.' So also the general indication of the Pahlavi translator. Pavan hûzvânŏ î Lak—zîvandakân harvist-gûn hêmnund. Observe that the religious system contemplated universal proselytism. 42:1 The general indications karîtûntâr and bavîhûnam point to the proper sense. 42:2 Or, with Roth, 'wenn wirklich sich rufen lassen die Ahura-Mazdas.' Otherwise, 'O Mazda and the Ahuras.' Hübschmann also maintained that Mazdau was here a plural; (see his Y. XXX, 10.) 42:3 Roth, rendering ishasâ in accordance with the Pahlavi, 'erbitte ich.' 42:4 Mûn pavan zak î valman gûrdîh—khûshîdŏ Drûgŏ aê sufficiently indicates the proper sense. Roth, 'kraft deren wir den Unhold bemeistern mögen.' 42:5 The Pahlavi may he rendered thus: Since in that dispensation [in the final body], I shall be an invoker of Ashavahist, and of Aûharmazd also [ ]; and of her who is veneration 'Spendarmad' [ ], I desire [that best of things which is the reward], of Vohûman. Let also that authority which belongs to my people [ ] be from the strong one [ ] by whose fortitude [ ] the Drûg is overcome [ ]. 42:6 Literally, 'Ye gave.' 42:7 I am far from sure that the indication of the Pahlavi is not correct here. According to it, when properly understood, we have here an accusative with the infinitive; 'that I should establish.' Its own translation is however avŏ li yehabûnâi. Men = man or mãm; en(g) = ã the nasal vowel. The Pahl. translator recognises men elsewhere as = mînisnŏ. It was from no ignorance (!) of the particular word that he wrote 'li' here. 42:8 Or 'my prophet;' comp. rishi; that is, 'that with which my prophet is concerned.' 43:1 Or, possibly, 'which shall not be, or which shall be.' Is the subjunctive here used to express obligation? Roth has 'was nicht sein soll oder was sein soll.' Ner. may be rendered as follows: Tell it to me distinctly [ ], that which is the highest gift, and which is given to me through sanctity; [that is, because duty and righteousness are fulfilled by me, the best gift of thy reward (is gained) by this means; but how is it possible to make it (actually) one's own?]. Grant me the knowledge through the best mind; [that is, declare that intelligence to me which comes through good conduct], and by which also safety is (secured) to me [ ]. And declare either that which is not, or that which is, O Great Wise One, the Lord! [ ]. 43:2 An interval of silence seems here to intervene, or lost verses leave an unexplained transition. The sage turns again to the people. 43:3 Vaokât K4 (Barth.). 43:4 See verse 4. 43:5 The Pahlavi has Aûharmazd având (sic) khûdâyîh kand dên valman vakhshêd Vohûmanŏ. 43:6 The Parsi-persian MS. is as follows: Û hast buland, kih ân man âgahîhâ (sic) gû-î âskârah [ ] mânsar i tamâm raftanî; [kû, tamâm pêdâisn pah râh i mânsar bâz ân ‘hwêsî i Hôrmuzd rasêd], kih pah Ṣawâb dârad—bî-marg raftanî azas [ ]. Hôrmuzd—‘hudâî kand andar û afzayêd Bahman [Kûs pâdisâhî pah tan i mard—kandî (?) Hôrmuzd pah tan mihmân]. 44:1 Mûnas avŏ rôshanîh gâmîkhtŏ khvârîh. Hvâthrâ and khvârîh can hardly mean 'comfortable' here. 'Ease' is the later sense. 44:2 Raokebîs certainly means, with illuminating objects, stars or shining lights. 44:3 Hübschmann, 'der Schöpfer des Asha.'—Casuslehre, s. 190. 44:4 Pavan mînavadîkih vakhshînêd [ ] mûn kevanik ham khûdâî. 44:5 Compare the frequent expression 'spentem at Th###vâ meNhî,' in chap. XLIII. 44:6 Roth, 'vornehmsten.' 44:7 When I seized Thee (took Thee in) with my eye. The Pahlavi: Amatam [ ] pavan hamkashmîh avŏ ham vakhdûnd hômanih. 44:8 Dên ahvânŏ pavan kûnisnŏ khûdâî hômanih. Ner. may be rendered as follows: Thus thou wert thought at the first by me, O Great Wise One, the Lord! when thou wert engaged in the production of Gvahmana [ ]. In which (production) they apprehend the father of the Best Mind when they observe him with a full-faced look [ ]. (And thou art the father) of that creation which is manifestly righteous; [that is, thou makest the purer creation good in conduct]. Thou art a King in the world as to action; [that is, where it is fitting to confer a benefit, and also where it is fitting to inflict a punishment, in each of these thou art capable]. 45:1 His spenta mainyu; otherwise 'spiritual (understanding),' but mainyu is used elsewhere (verse 3 and 7) alone, and certainly not as an adjective even with a substantive understood. The rendering 'spirit' as 'Thy spirit' is suspiciously significant; but what is the help? We are forced by grammar so to translate. 45:2 The ablative has this force as in Ashât hakâ. 45:3 I can hardly accede to an infinitive here: -tê is a rare infinitive termination in Gâthic. Also the infinitive seldom falls to the end of the sentence. The Pahlavi has yâtûnêd, a present; but the Pahlavi should never be positively cited for the forms, as it is free. 45:4 Observe that we are forced by every dictate of logic and common sense to avoid the commonplace rendering here. Cattle do not have 'paths' made for them, nor do they cry aloud for an overseer, or complain at the appointment of one who does not appear to them promising; nor is it one main effort of religion 'to content the soul of cattle.' Cattle, as the chief article of wealth, are taken to signify all civic life. The 'path' is the path for the people to walk in, securing safety for soul and life and herds. The adhvan is 'the way' which 'is the religious characteristics and teachings of the prophets' (XXXIV, 13). 45:5 Observe that this cow (some would say 'ox') chooses her master, unlike other cattle. But observe also, what is more interesting, that she seems reconciled to the guardian appointed by Ahura. In Y. XXIX, 9, she actually 'wept' at the naming of the pusillanimous Zarathustra, desiring a kingly potentate. Now, however, we see that she must have dried her tears, as she is satisfied with the simple workman whom he represents notwithstanding high rank. 45:6 In the later Avesta this first vâstrya fsuyant is declared to be Zarathustra. 45:7 Mûn fsuîh pavan Vohûmanŏ. 46:1 Pahlavi davãsahak; Ner. pratârayitre. 46:2 Khûpŏ-hôshmûrisnîh. 'Judicial blindness' is everywhere indicated. (The wicked are kept from the sight of the truth.) Hübschm., Casuslehre, 'der frohen Botschaft.' 46:3 This seems implied. 46:4 Or, 'madest the worlds and the souls (?).' 46:5 Geldner admirably 'flesh.' The Pahlavi: tanû-hômandânŏ gân yehabûnd. Notice that 'bodily life or flesh' is mentioned after 'understanding.' Compare Y. XXX, 7, where Âramaiti gives 'a body' after previous creations. 46:6 The Pahlavi has the following interesting gloss: [That is, even the actions and teachings of the pious are given forth by thee; and this was also given in this wisdom of thy mind]. And when there is a person in whom there is a desire for the other world, that desire is granted to him by thee; [that is, what is necessary when he is arriving in the other world, this which is thus required (or desired) by him at that time, is given by thee—through that which is thy mind and wisdom]. Although not able to follow the indications of the Pahlavi fully, I think that there is no question but that we have an important statement in the last line. It does not seem to me possible to render less profoundly than 'where the wisher may place his choices,' his religious preferences and beliefs, including all moral volition. 47:1 Avŏ zak libbemman. 47:2 See verse 13. 47:3 Pavan hagisnŏ î: the Persian MS. (Haug XII, b) transliterates khêzisnŏ: Ner. has mano-utthânena (sic). Or, 'immediately.' 47:4 The evil as well as the good spirit is questioned. The two spirits of Y. XXX, 3-6 were here inspiring the conflict. 47:5 The Pahlavi unvaryingly in the sense of mihânŏ [-as gâs tamman yehevûnêdŏ]; Ner. paralokanivâsân. See Y. XXX, 9; XXXIII, 9; XXXIV, 6. A questioning which was lightly made would indicate a willingness to tamper with error. The Persian MS. following the Pahlavi has: Anga bang i buland ân i durûgh guftâr [Ganâ Mînû] wa ân ham i râst guftâr [Hôrmuzd], &c. But Neryosangh is more accurate or literal: Atra bumbâm* karoti [antar gagati], mithyâvaktâ vâ satyavaktâ vâ, &c. 47:6 Pavan zak î âshkârakŏ. 47:7 Nîhânîk. 47:8 Thou seest even the questions and decisions of our thoughts as to matters which are simple or difficult, permitted or occult. 47:9 I have not followed what may yet possibly be a valuable and correct hint of tradition. I render Neryosangh: He who asks through what is open [through righteousness], or he who asks through what is secret [through sin]; or he (also) who through, or on account of, a little sin which has been committed, commits the great one to secure a purification; [that is, who for the sake of purification necessary on account of a little sin which has been committed, commits a greater one, in order that the first may not p. 48 become known], upon these two, each of them, look with thy two eyes. [Over sins and righteous actions thou art in one way, everywhere and again, the Lord.] The concretes here may give the right indication. 48:1 See verse 5. 48:2 Man madŏ, mûnik yâmtûnêdŏ, 'What has come? And what is coming?' 48:3 Mûn âvâm. 48:4 Hakâ in the Indian sense. 48:5 Angardîkîh, the judgment; but Ner. vipâkatâ, consummation. 48:6 Neryosangh has as follows: Tad dvitayam tvattah* prikkhâmi, Svâmin! yad âgatam, âyâtika, yo* rinam dadate dânebhyah* punyâtmane [Hormigdâya yathâ yugyate dâtum], yeka, Mahâgñânin! durgatimadbhyah; katham teshâm asti vipâkatâ* evam [kila, yah tat kurute, tasmai nidâne prasâdadânam kim bhavati, yaska tat kurute, tasmaika kim bhavatî ’ti; me brûhi!] This seems to me very close, far more so than we have any right to expect as a general rule from a Parsi living in India, and only five or six centuries ago, too late for 'tradition,' and too early for close criticism. 48:7 Roth, 'Ich frage—was die Strafe ist?' 48:8 The head of a party seems to have been plotting to introduce a hostile sovereign. 48:9 Î dûs-kûnisnŏ. 48:10 The Pahlavi translator, nîvîdînêdŏ, (otherwise nivêkînêd, which I much suspect has become confused with nîvîdînêdŏ through a clerical blunder); Ner. labhate. They both refer vînastî to vid (so Justi) followed by most. Roth (Yasna XXXI, p. 11), 'der sein Brot nicht findet ohne Gewalthat an der Heerde.' 48:11 The Pahlavi translator sees the root han in the sense of p. 49 acquisition, and not from ignorance of the sense given above. In another place, he renders vigîd min; (see XLVII, 5.) 49:1 Neryosangh may be rendered as follows: Thus I ask thee: What is for him who seizes upon destruction, and who provides the sovereignty for the wicked [ ], and commits that evil action. O Lord! from which he does not acquire life even through a bribe* (so meaning), [ ] and who is a calamity to the man who acts for herds and men removing calamities from them [ ]? 49:2 Roth, 'der die Herrschaft über Hof Gau and Land um das rechte zu fördern hat.' 49:3 Pahlavi, Lak hâvand; Neryosangh, tvattulyo; Roth, 'deiner werth.' 49:4 I render the Sanskrit of Neryosangh thus (it improves on the Pahlavi): I ask (thee) thus: How [dost thou bestow] the sovereignty upon one when he is beneficently wise? [ ] (in the body) of him who, through the increase of sanctity, is no opposer (of prosperity) in provinces or villages; [that is, with him who is discharging his duty and performing acts of sanctity. He is this teacher's teacher, he does not contend]. Thine equal, O Great Wise One, the Lord! thus is he verily, who (is such) in action, [who is thus Thine equal through activity]. 49:5 Possibly mazyô has the sense of mazista in chap. L, 1. There 'the most prevailing' seems to be the proper rendering. 50:1 Literally, 'Which of the two (creeds as) the greater does the righteous (the believing saint) or the wicked (opponent) believe?' 50:2 See verse 12. 50:3 Or with others 'be Thou'; but the gloss of the Pahlavi translation contains an explanation which may well afford the true solution as in so many instances in which he is both consciously and inadvertently followed. It reads [aîghmânŏ barâ khavîtûnînŏ—]. May we not see an az = ah in the form, or at least a separate Iranian root, as also in azdâ (L, r), where the Pahlavi translator gives the same explanation admirably suited to the context. Neryosangh: Which is it, the pure of soul, or the wicked who teaches as the great one? [ ] The intelligent speaks to the intelligent [ ]. Be not thou ignorant after this; because (ignorance is) from the deceiver. Instruct us, O Great Wise One, the Lord! [ ] Furnish us with a sign through the Best Mind; [that is, make me steadfast in good conduct through the recognition of the dîn]. Such renderings may suffice to show that an examination of these ancient translations in our search for hints is imperative. Yet the practice prevails of omitting a knowledge of the Pahlavi language, on which not only the oldest translation of the Avesta, but also the irregular Sanskrit of Neryosangh, closely depends. 50:4 Jolly, 'Keiner von euch höre auf die Lieder and Gebote des Lügners.' Roth, 'Rath and Befehle.' 50:5 Compare evîdvâo in verse 17. 50:6 Dûs-rûbisnîh. 50:7 Sazêd sanêh, 'prepare the sabre.' It was however a two-handed weapon; see Y. LVI, 12, (4 Sp.). The Parsi-persian MS.: Wa ma kas aêdûn az sumâ kih û p. 51 darwand mânsar sunawad wa âmû‘htisn (sic); [kû az Âsmôkân (?) Awestâ wa Zand ma sunawad], kih andar—mahall sahar wa deh dehad bad-raftisn wa marg an i Âsmôgh; aêdûn (sic) ôsân Âsmôghân râ sâzad silâh. (Again very close.) 51:1 So conjecturally. 51:2 Compare chap. XXX, 2. 'Behold ye the flames with the better mind;' possibly, also chap. XXX, 1, the signs in the lights seen friendly.' 51:3 According to the grammatical forms the agent here must be a divine being, as ye manta ashem ahûbis (see verse 7) is characteristic of the Deity. The vocative, strange as it may seem, does not necessarily exclude Ahura, as the subject referred to in ye. Several analogous cases occur. The Deity may here however represent His prophet, as the Daêvas do their worshippers in the later Avesta. Some writers force the language into a reference to the human subject for the sake of the greatly to be desired simplicity. One places Ahurâ in the instrumental, a case in which the Almighty seldom appears. The above translation needs no alternative, as the language would be the same whoever ye refers to. 51:4 See note on verse 3, and read as alternative 'from the two arani.' As an inferior rendering of tradition I cite Neryosangh here: The matter should be heard (taking gûshtâ as a third singular in a subjunctive sense); [that is, a study should be made of it by him] who is even (in any degree) acquainted with the righteous design of Hormigda for both the worlds. He is independent in the literal truth of his words, in his freedom of speech, [and his fear has no existence]. Thy brilliant fire gives the explanation to the contenders. [It makes purity and impurity evident.] 52:1 I follow the admirable lead of the Pahlavi here, as the previous verse mentions veracity. Its indication is pavan frîfisnŏ, freely. 52:2 I differ with diffidence from the hint of the Pahlavi here (as elsewhere). It has shîvan = tears, which however is free for 'calamity' and 'sorrow.' Nom. sing.; see its position. 52:3 Anâk rûbisnîh yemalelûnêdŏ. This, placed together with such passages as XLVI, 11, XLIX, 11, and LI, 13, formed the basis for the more complete Yast XXII. 52:4 Others prefer 'place,' but see âyû in line b. 52:5 'Has led on'? 52:6 I cite Ner.: He who betrays the pure through his fraud, may (deceit) be (also his portion) at the last; [that is, let it be so afterwards; it is in his soul]. Long is his journey, and his arrival is in darkness; and evil food and increasing lawlessness is his [ ]. Darkness is your world, O ye wicked! your in-bred deeds, and your dîn, are leading you on. 52:7 That Ameretatât means more than long life is clear from amesha. 52:8 Afas nafsman patîh. The Gâthic would be more literally perhaps 'from His own Dominion.' 52:9 Sardârîh. 52:10 Vazdvarîh; Ner. pîvaratvam. 52:11 One naturally thinks of urvatha (vratha), as having something of the sense of vratyá. But usage compels also the sense of friendship. Hübschmann, Casuslehre, s. 259, 'der durch Gesinnung and Thaten sich ihm als freund erweist.' 52:12 Ner.: Mahâgñâni dadau Svâmî* avirdâdât* an irdâdât sampûrnatvam p. 53 punyâtmane [ ] nigam prabhutvam râgñe* âdhipatyena [ ] uttamena pîvaratvam manasâ [-tasmâi dadate], yo nigasya adrisyamûrteh karmanâ mitram. 53:1 So according to frequent indications. 53:2 Tanû aîtŏ. Ner.: Sa te—mitram asti nivedîtatanuh. 53:3 See chap. XXXIII, 14. The Pahlavi translator renders freely as follows: Manifest things (so possibly; otherwise 'manifestly') (are) these to (so a MS. not yet elsewhere compared) the wise when according to his understanding he disposes and reflects, [that is, he who meditates with thought upon that which his lord and dastur declares to him]. Good is the King for whom they would effect righteousness in word and deed, the man whose body is a bearer of Thee, O Aûharmazd! Next: Yasna XXXII Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism « Previous: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... Index Next: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... » Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism

(6) Someone may here object, "But if man has been created with animal and demonic qualities as well as angelic, how are we to know that the latter constitute his real essence, while the former are merely accidental and transitory?" To this I answer that the essence of each creature is to be sought in that which is highest in it and peculiar to it. Thus the horse and the ass are both burden-bearing animals, but the superiority of the horse to the ass consists in its being adapted for use in battle. If it fails in this, it becomes degraded to the rank of burden-bearing animals. Similarly with man: the highest faculty in him is reason, which fits him for the contemplation of God. If this predominates in him, when he dies, he leaves behind him all tendencies to passion and resentment, and becomes capable of association with angels. As regards his mere animal qualities, man is inferior to many animals, but reason makes him superior to them, as it is written in the Koran: "To man We have subjected all things in the earth." But if his lower tendencies have triumphed, after death be will ever be looking towards the earth and longing for earthly delights.

(12) (To whom? The answer lieth near.) Such shall be the Saviours of the Provinces, and they who, through Thy Good Mind's grace, shall go on hand in hand with mental keenness (as it spreads among Thy saints) by the doing every deed of Thy commandment, O Ahura! through the help of, and in accordance with, Thy Holy Order; for such as these are set (for us), as steadfast foes of hate! 153:1 The Pahlavi has also pavan zak dahisnŏ; but a false gloss gives an erroneous concrete [pavan tanû î pasînŏ]. Recall âdâi paitî. 153:2 See ashaônô, ashâunê (sic) (Y. XLVII, 4, 5). 153:3 Read 'as âshûtâ'—has been pushed on, enacted. I correct here as seems so evidently necessary; but the Pahlavi anticipates with its amat zak yâmtûnêd. 153:4 Pavan friftârîh. 153:5 See Y. XXIX, 4. 153:6 See Y. XXX, 11, savakâ ashavabyô. 154:1 Meng = mãm or man; -eng is the nasalised vowel. Man is suspiciously significant here; 'mental battles' is rather advanced for the circumstances. It is, however, not impossible. The Pahlavi favours mãm (?) here; it has avŏ li. We might even read menâ on its evidence. The Pahlavi indicates the meaning 'crises' under the figure of the 'Bridge,' which was the last great crisis to every man in the eye of the earlier, as well as of the later, Faith; so also in Y. LI, 12. The 'straits of life' would be an admirable meaning; I differ with hesitation. 154:2 Pahlavi kardârîh. 154:3 See Y. XLIII, 14. 154:4 Yaêkît gûzrâ-senghaunghô. Or, 'knowing also those who are the teachers of secret doctrines.' 154:5 We may, with some effort, connect thwâvãs with vaêdemnâi. Spentô vîdvau, however, must refer to the immediately foregoing Ahurô, especially in view of the tvem vîdvau, Ahurâ, of verse 2. 'The one like Thee' might even, as in other cases, be only an oblique way of rendering 'Thyself;' but the expression 'with the understanding of Vohu Manah' induces me to refer the word Thwâvãs to the servant of Ahura; in this case, however, this last line must of course be drawn to verse 4, although not mechanically separated from verse 3. 155:1 See verse 2. 155:2 Present for imperative, as sometimes in modern languages in giving directions. 155:3 The words are anticipated from the third line. 155:4 I follow the Indian sense here with great reluctance. Nanâ may well be, in Iranian, equivalent to 'each several one,' and in fact may not impossibly teach us the origin of the word ('man, man.' comp. narem,* narem*). The Pahl. trlr. is so decided for a personal sense, that he renders gabrâ nêsman = man and woman. Did he suppose 'woman' to be literally (!) expressed in the text? 155:5 Âramaiti is addressed, unless indeed an instrumental is read without MSS. An instrumental is of course preferable. 155:6 The Pahlavi has, with admirable freedom, zakatŏ hû-khûdâî pâdakhshâyînisn, va al lanman zak î dûs-khûdâî salîtâ yehavûnâdŏ. I read hukhshathrâ khshayeñtãm, mâ ne dûs-khshathrâ, to bring the metre somewhat into order, as some gross irregularity is present; the caesura only, not the sense, is affected by the change. 155:7 Or, 'from the birth-hour on;' so the Pahlavi. Its gloss reads [akhar min zerkhûnisnŏ avinâsîh pâhlûm]. 156:1 So Bartholomae, who now holds to a third singular here, leaving the text undisturbed, and explaining as an optative. 156:2 The Pahlavi seems to render 'comfort' here, using khvârîh in that sense. 156:3 So the Pahlavi correctly indicates by its arzûk; Ner. priyataram. 156:4 Compare Y. LI, 7. Are the plants here mentioned as in connection with Âramaiti in her figurative association with the earth? 156:5 See verses 1, 2. 156:6 Or, 'against the blow,' Y. XXIX, 1. The Pahlavi translator here renders padîrak î arêshak, while in Y. XXIX, 1 he renders î rêshkûn. The variations are probably not real; the renderings referring to some forgotten differences of text; or, as often, he may have anticipated modern freedom, and 'changed his text;' that is, rendered it as if changed to a seemingly more intelligible form; so in a throng of similar cases. This is the only rational explanation of some of his errors. (He was able to render, and has rendered, most grammatical forms in different places.) 156:7 The Pahlavi has, however, navîdîh. Did he read vidhyãm, in itself a very possible text? 157:1 Compare emavantem aêshem, also peresâ nau yâ tôi ehmâ parstâ. Observe that the Pahlavi translator distinguishes the two senses of îsti. In Y. XLVI, 2 he transcribes the Gâthic word, the Persian rendering ‘hezânah; Ner. punyalakshmîm; here, however, he has: Kadâr lak, Aûharmazd, zak î sapîr khvahîsn î khûdâyîh. 157:2 Compare verse 5. 157:3 Ashâ might certainly equal ákhâ here (so Bartholomae) if the constant and intentional repetition of the name and idea of Asha, = the personified Order, would not have caused confusion. 157:4 The Pahlavi translator renders a word which occupied the place of gavarô by yakhsenunîdârîh; Ner. following as to root (freely as to form). As he, however, renders related forms elsewhere by 'living,' 'live,' our only safe conclusion is that he had a different word from gavarô (givarô) before him in his MS. 157:5 Compare Y. XXVIII, 6. 157:6 I am very far from certain that we do not seriously blunder in not following the indication of the Pahlavi here. See remarks Y. XXXII, 16. 157:7 Or, 'let me enjoy as my own;' but môi is difficult. Ûkãm might otherwise be a first personal form in the sense of the Vedic uk. p. 158 Bartholomae's third sing. imper. is also of course well possible; but were not the originally abnormal third singulars in -âm, duhâ´m sayâm, vidâm, taken over from third pl. subj. '-âm' really equalling the nasal vowel merely*? Comp. also Indian ádrisram, ábudhram, ásrigram, Zend vavazirem, -am = an. 'Tradition' has, Pahl. zîvisnîh; Ner. gîvitam; Pers. zîstan, for ûkãm, as if rendering 'enjoyment,' 'experience of life.' *(âm = tâm is more difficult.) 158:1 Comparing vápus; otherwise, with the Pahlavi, 'knowing the destruction (of the evil) which Vohûman works;' see Y. XXIX, 6, where the rendering of the Pahlavi is supported by the previous verse. 158:2 Comp. Y. XLVI, 3. Kadâ Mazda; frârentê*—saoshyantãm khratavô? 158:3 Compare Y. XXXII, 15. 158:4 Is Soma-intoxication here referred to? And was the Haoma-worship in abeyance at the time? The Pahlavi seems to have understood 'magic' here, and in the evil sense, that is, judging from the perhaps later gloss. Aside from the gloss, however, the Pahlavi may well have been, nay, more probably was, intended to be read madîh as = madahyâ. 158:5 As to this word, we cannot do better than follow Justi (although his work is now a score of years old). The Indian várpas, in the sense of deceit, has also been compared. The last Pahlavi translator was probably confused by finding this word, as so often, divided in his MS. He rendered as best he could, or rather he handed down the shattered documents, or oral teachings, of his predecessors with his own too often lame additions, the whole mass being rich in the relics of the truth. 158:6 See verse 5. 159:1 Mat following Ashâ shows that we may also have the preposition in pôi mat. 159:2 As Âramaiti is here spoken of as 'having pasture,' that is, as inspiring the thrifty husbandmen who cultivate the meadows by irrigation, or drainage, she became associated herself with those meadows, and so later with the earth; see Y. XLVII, 2. 159:3 The Pahlavi sees in râmãm enforced quiet not 'from' but 'to' the wicked; 'who shall deal the finishing blow to the wicked?' 159:4 So also the Pahlavi, shnâsinîdârîh. Next: Yasna XLIX Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism « Previous: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... Index Next: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... » Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism

(11) And when shall the (Divine) Righteousness, the Good Mind (of the Lord, and His) Sovereign Power (come) hastening to me (to give me strength for my task and mission), O Great Creator, the Living Lord! (For without his I cannot advance or undertake my toil.) Do ye now therefore assign unto us your aid and in abundance for our great cause. May we be (partakers) of the bountiful grace of these your equals (your counsellors and servants) ! 4:1 Something like this is implied. 4:2 If verses 4, 5, 6, were originally connected. 4:3 Or possibly a company of the religious chiefs poetically conceived to be present. 6:1 Ke ma tashat can only mean this here. The Pahlavi translator probably read kahmâi. He has val mûn li tukhshîd (?) hômanam. 6:2 One might think of 'inertia' as a rendering for remô, (if read), but the afflictions complained of seem rather to imply active violence. 6:3 Or read tâyuskâ (robbery?) with the Pahlavi translation; 'yu' and 'vi' would be written much alike in a manuscript. 6:4 Vastâ has been found, as I understand, in some manuscripts. The Persian manuscript of Haug has a curious vâstîrîdâr (vâsta-rîdâr?) in the Pahlavi text, which seems to confirm vastâ in the sense given. 6:5 As there are very many non-specialists to whom it is important to weigh this present subject as closely as it may be possible, and as everything here is a matter of the keenest questioning among experts, I add occasionally a word-for-word rendering, although necessarily very uncouth: To you the Kine's soul cried-complaining: For whom me did ye fashion? Who me made? Against me assaulting-rapine, violence-and, desolations-[blow], daring-insolence-and, (thievish) might-and (possibly change the text). Not for me a pasture-giver than-you other; therefore to-me teach-ye good (things) for-the-pasture (adj. acc. pl. neut.). 6:6 I fear that I cannot follow Haug in his later view, where he follows tradition in rather an extreme manner, rendering 'the cutter (wounder) of the Ox.' Neither Spiegel nor Justi would confide to a later myth to this degree (see Y. XXXI, 9 and XLVI, 9). This is p. 7 mentioned, however, not as complaining of an error, but solely to guard the reader against the mistake of an eminent authority. (See also Roth, Z.D.M.G., Bd. 25, s. 9.) 7:1 Observe the personification of righteousness. 7:2 Or, 'what salvation-lord,' governed by dâtâ from the preceding line; so also the Pahlavi translator mûn avo pavan nadûkîh khûdâî. Ustâ occurs only here as a verbal form. Supply anghat in b. 7:3 The Pahlavi aêshmo anâêr zanisno. 7:4 Or read ashem. The Pahlavi has ashavahisto pasukhvo gûft. I am not at all inclined to accept vocatives for nominatives in the Gâthas. 7:5 Sar-gan, compare Verethragan. The Pahlavi indicates this by tanû sardârîh. 7:6 Possibly, 'by which he approaches.' 7:7 The Pahlavi rôshano î râsto. 7:8 Cp. Y. XXX, 1: yâ raokebîs daresatâ urvâzâ. 7:9 The Pahlavi indicates a third person; and keredushâ is far the most simply explained as a nom. pl. Recall mâ mashâ and man (?) mathâ. Otherwise, 'to whom I will come with activity and invoking.' 8:1 A verse or verses may here have fallen out. 8:2 I cannot persuade myself to accept the nearly universally accepted comparison of Mazdau and medhâ. See note on p. 104. 8:3 Or, 'He has done by Daêvas?' If thus, absolute and not qualified sovereignty would be indicated. See the last line 8:4 Observe that while 'by Daêva-worshippers' would be an admirable rendering for Daêvâis, because more commonplace and therefore safer, it is here impossible on account of mashyâiskâ. We are closely confined to the acceptance of a large idea. Ahura was mindful of what transpired in the deeds of Daêva-gods and not in those of Daêva-worshippers alone. The inst. must be modified. 8:5 As varshaitê is elsewhere used in an active sense, it is possible, but not probable, that a special predestination may be indicated. 'He shall do by means of Daêvas and men.' 8:6 'To us men,' not to us Ameshôspends, of course! 8:7 Verbatim. Mazda the-words most-mindful which for have-been-fulfilled before by-means-of- (the actions of) Daêvas-and men-and what-and (shall)-be-done after, He the discriminating lord; so to-us shall-it-be as He shall-choose. 8:8 This seems to prove positively that a human being speaks here and in the previous verse; 'the soul of Righteousness' is of course impossible. 8:9 Some have referred the word to the root zan obscurely present in it; otherwise a drivable cow; one mature and fit for use. The term used in the Vendîdâd in a common meaning as merely p. 9 designating a cow at a certain age, may be the familiar use of an adjective here applied in the ancient Gâtha in a sacred sense. 9:1 This passage is one of the strongest for the comparison of Mazdau and medhâ. The sense 'asking wisdom in our doubt,' is admirable. I cannot however accept the comparison. 9:2 Pavan gômânîkîh hampûrsânî; root dî. 9:3 The Pahlavi awasînisnîh*, but in other connections fragyâitis might well mean 'continued life;' 'life long endured with the wicked.' 9:4 The Pahlavi has vishûpisnŏ, which here affords a better meaning; see however Y. XLVIII, 9. We might read as alternative here, 'knowing the calamity to be averted.' 9:5 Uncertain. The Pahlavi however indicates 'discernment.' 9:6 One is strongly tempted to read aêvô, 'not a single chief,' but the ancient writing read by the Pahlavi translator had aêvâ ahû. 9:7 This indicates that Zarathustra had been the speaker in the previous verses. 9:8 Appointed. 9:9 Verbatim. Thereupon spake Ahura Mazda knowing the-wonderful (thing) through-insight (?) not thus a master found, nor a ruler righteous-order-from-even from, therefore for thee to-the-thrifty-and to-the-husbandman-and (I) as-a-creator I-have-made. 10:1 Or a company of the saints conceived to be present. 10:2 So some writers, accepting an irregular reading hvarushaêibyô after the indication of the Pahlavi translation. Otherwise compare 'rush' (?), uru = ru, and render 'to the estranged.' We have often to stretch the meaning more than this. Converting instructions are elsewhere suggested for 'all mankind.' 10:3 The translation of Neryosangh is added here not merely because it is of interest, but because it is, together with the Pahlavi translation, of the last importance in forming correct conclusions. It may be rendered as follows; and the reader may regard it as a specimen, but by no means a particularly favourable one. At the words âzûtôîs and maretaêibyô different texts were before him and the Pahlavi translator as well. Those words are elsewhere rendered by the latter karpîh and ansûtâân: This greatest magnitude (sic) of the Mãthra, the Lord produced together with righteousness as his fellow-worker [ ]. The Great Wise One discloses the herds to the eaters; and he discloses also the great matter to the well-taught scholars. Who is thine, who endowed with the best mind, gives the two things, with the mouth to those who are prosecuting studies (sic)? To expect an ancient rendering to be closer would be unreasonable. The errors (as to root) are not errors, but the certain signs of differing MSS. This constantly occurs; and it is hardly necessary to add that sometimes from such supposed mistakes we get the only possible means of recovering the original text. 10:4 Repeating the announcement in verse 6. The aêvâ in 6 would incline one to read aêvâ (ye ne aêvâ), but the manuscript before the Pahlavi translator read aêvô = khadûk. It is quite out of the question to suppose his aêtûno and khadûk to be accidental. A sharp distinction is made. 11:1 So the Pahlavi translator, giving the only critical etymology in his hûdemûnîh, the gloss aside. 11:2 The Pahlavi text corrected by the Persian MS. may be rendered as follows: This gift I obtained [ ]. For this one is he who was listening to that which is our teaching, Zartûsht, the Spitâmân. For us, Aûharmazd, and for Aharâyîh is his desire, [that is, that perfectly performed duty, and good works are desired by him]. He recites also a remedy-making (free or erroneous), [that is, he declares a remedy-making against the Drûg who is in the world]; on account of which saying for his word of piety which he utters, they give him a good abode [ ]. (The glosses are often from a later hand and erroneous. Sometimes, however, they contain the truth while the text is futile. I drop them in the present citations when they are of no importance.) 11:3 Observe that Zarathustra, like other prophets, met at times little honour from his fellow-countrymen who are here well represented by the voice of the Kine's Soul. (See Y. XLVI, 1.) 11:4 Or could not hôi be taken in a reflective sense, and referred to the first person like the possessive sve; see the connection. 11:5 Verbatim. Thereupon-and the Kine's Soul wept: (I) who p. 12 (lament) one-not-able-to-effect-his-wish in-wounding as-a-master (or, I established?) [ ], whom as-against I-wish one wish-controlling-and-effecting-as-a-sovereign. When ever he may-(shall)-be who to her (possibly to-me-myself?) shall-give effected-by-the-hand help. 12:1 Zarathustra, having accepted his call to be the Ratu or his substitute, at once interposes with a prayer for his suffering charge. 12:2 See verse 1, to which reference is continually made as the chief expression of the sufferings to be remedied. 12:3 The Pahlavi without glosses may be rendered as follows: Give ye assistance to these, O Aûharmazd, Ashavahist and Khshatraver! So also Vohûman, who gives him a pleasing habitation, and also joy. I also think that the first gain and obtaining of this is from thee. (With the gloss slightly different; but valman should be rendered according to ahyâ.) The text literally is as follows: (Do) ye to these, O Ahura! happiness (? possibly strength; see the Pahlavi) grant, O Asha! Khshathra-and (=the Kingdom) such (kingdom as) by Vohu Manah by-which amenities peaceful-joy-and (one) may give-or-establish; I-even of this, O Mazda! Thee I thought foremost possessor. 12:4 So the Pahlavi translation indicates; compare gimâ and frâ man (?) mathâ; otherwise mâmashâ = I hasten (to fulfil my mission). 13:1 The Pahlavi has kabed. For the fundamental idea compare priksh + suffix. 13:2 The Ameshôspends just mentioned, together with whom Ahura governs and blesses His people. Ahmâ (so conjecturing with Barth.), is also quite sufficiently indicated by the lanman of the Pahlavi. Whether an instrumental ehmâ can be accepted is doubtful. The form should be altered. If ehmâ stands, istem must be understood, or the instrumental taken in a possessive sense. Ahmâ has no authority from MSS., but is better than anghâmâ, as being nearer the MSS. 13:3 As an impartial specimen I render Ner. thus: Whence will that gift come to me, (the gift which is) Asavahista, Gvahmana, and Saharevara, [that is, sanctity, the highest (best) mind, and the sovereignty, where is the place of the reward which will thus come to me?]. (Here the translation falls into confusion from an error which is most interesting and instructive, because it is corrected by Ner. in an alternative rendering in the gloss. As has been seldom noticed his original was the Pahlavi word pâdadahisnînêd, rather than the Gâthic paitî-zânatâ. This Pahlavi form he could not at first believe to be a second plural. Indeed the Pahlavi glossist may have taken it as a third sg. Neryosangh therefore abortively renders word-for-word as follows: You, O Great Wise One! it offers or presents more excellently through the 'greatest exaltation' (the holy cause). But he recovers himself in the gloss by reading the Pahlavi pâdâdahisnŏ vâdûnyên as an imperative: [Provide a reward through that spotless exaltation (the irreproachable cause)] continuing: Here, O Lord! is the gift (which is) ours, and (which comes) to us from Thee.) Next: Yasna XXVIII Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism « Previous: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Intr... 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(11) Your praiser then (by eminence) would I be named, and (more), would be it, so long as by (Thine inspiring) Righteousness I am thus able and may have the power. And may the maker of the world give help through (His implanted) Good Mind (in my fellow-servants). And may that (all) be done (to further us) which through His veritable grace is most promotive (for the cause)! 170:1 This verse is placed here as obviously more closely related to chapter L than to chapter XLIX. Lost verses may, however, have intervened between it and Y. L, 1. 170:2 Another rendering, regarding kat as a purely interrogative participle, would be, 'Are they (tôi) helpful to the invoking Zarathustra?' But kat tôi is a familiar form; see Y. XXXIV, 12, where it must mean quid tibi. 171:1 I should be far from denying that azdâ may equal addhâ´, but a strengthening adverb seems to me of no particular force here. I formerly rested at the simple explanation az + dâ = dhâ = desire-exciting, much desired one. But the Pahlavi translator affords an explanation which may surpass that of his successors. He sees the meaning: 'When I shall call upon You,' (that is, freely, 'being invoked,') 'cause Thou (sic) me to understand fully.' This is the remnant of some predecessor's work who rendered 'tell ye me;' az = ah, otherwise lost in Zend. The plural follows the singular too often to excite much doubt; azdâ = tell ye; so zdî is from az, as syôdûm is from as (recall the well-known Indian analogies). See also the explanation of the Pahlavi at Y. XXXI, 17. If a plural cannot be admitted, then consider a form extended by d. 171:2 The Pahlavi translates freely, bavîhûnam. 171:3 The Kine must represent the people as well as their live-stock. The raids concerned the owners more than their cattle. In answer to the cry of the Kine, Zarathustra was sent to the people. 171:4 I can hardly agree to the rendering 'among people who see the sun' without a needless reconstruction of the text. The Pahlavi likewise has pavan khvârîh; for general meaning, compare Khshathrôi hveng daresôi, not as equivalent however. 171:5 Âskârak stî. 172:1 The Pahlavi translation, as usual, not literally exact, still furnishes the correct clue, Zak î nazdistô (1) gêhânŏ min valman î darvand bakhshêd [aîgas zak dên dârisn barâ yansegûnyên]. 172:2 Frô tâis vîspâis Kinvatô frâ, peretûm. 172:3 Âkau (compare the Indian âkê); 'who approach, and are therefore evident (âshkârak) to God, and seeing Him.' Comp. âkau in Y. LI, 13, which has been thought a loc. 172:4 See nau. 172:5 To vrag. 173:1 See the previous verse, where the wisher stands on the path, seeking to reach Garôdman. It seems therefore probable that hvâthrê refers to demânê garô. 173:2 Compare Y. LIII, 2, daunghô erezûs pathô. 173:3 As remarked, this entire piece recalls Y. XXVIII. Here the monarch is represented as speaking precisely as spokesmen are introduced in any other composition. We have no reason to suppose the piece to be the composition of some leading person other than Zarathustra, because of the words 'let Zarathustra speak forth my regulations.' (See page 169.) 173:4 Îshô staunghat â paithî. 173:5 Consider a suffix ishti. 173:6 Here the Pahlavi translator gives us both text and translation, aurvatô = arvand. 173:7 Or, 'yoke Thou, may’st Thou gain.' 173:8 The Kinvat Bridge, either literally or figuratively. Compare 'the bridge of the earth' (Y. LI, 12). The crises of effort, or temptation, are meant, as the Kinvat Bridge was the last crisis before salvation or perdition. The souls of the good and of the evil were met by their own consciences on the Bridge, and encouraged or reviled. 'When the soul of the pious passes over that Bridge, the width of p. 174 that Bridge becomes about one league' (West, Mainyô-î Khard,* p. 134). Possibly the extension of the Bridge for the pious arose from the plural use here. 174:1 Compare Y. XXVIII, 3. 174:2 See Y. XXVIII, 9. 174:3 See Y. XXVIII, 2. 174:4 See Y. XLVI, 9. 174:5 The Pahlavi translator accepts a ser se of acquisition here as well as of desire: Aêtûnŏ zak î valman î avŏ hû-dânâk pavan khvahîsnŏ grîftâr hômanânî [mozd]. I accede to its indication, holding that gardh certainly has such an element in its meaning. 175:1 I can here only follow the words as they are written; the meaning is clear enough although rather advanced. Reconstructions on a large scale are seldom of value. 175:2 Judging from the context, we may render argat thus. 175:3 The Pahlavi translator here renders as if he read ushâ. In Y. XLVI, 3 he translates ukhshânô. Professor Wilhelm, preferring as above, still recalls the Homeric usage favouring 'increaser.' The Pahlavi has vakhshînîdâr in Y. XLVI, 3. Here hôsh zak î arûs dên bâm I. Ner. alone understood arûs. 175:4 'Your.' 175:5 An imperative has long been recognised in varstãm; or read: 'Let him cause that which is the most furthering of deeds to grow influential through veritable grace.' So perhaps better. Next: Yasna LI Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism « Previous: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... Index Next: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... » Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism

(20) (And how as to our deluded foes?) Have Daêva-(worshippers) e’er reigned as worthy kings? (This verily I ask of Thee, the Daêva-worshippers) who fight for these (who act amiss? Have they well reigned) by whom the Karpan and the Usig(k) gave the (sacred) Kine to Rapine , whence, too, the Kavian in persistent strength has flourished? (And these have also never given us tribal wealth nor blessings), nor for the Kine have they brought waters to the fields for the sake of the Righteous Order (in our hosts), to further on their growth (and welfare)! 111:1 Some who seldom cite the Pahlavi follow it here; nîyâyisno zak mûn aêtûno nîyâyisno î Lekûm [dînô]. Otherwise one might p. 112 read nemê with B.V.S. (variation) in Y. LVIII, 3, and render, 'how shall I bow myself in your worship?' 112:1 The Pahl. hamkardâr is likewise followed. The alteration to hâkôrenâ is very interesting, but, I think, hardly necessary. 112:2 Observe the great difficulty in referring Khshmâvatô to a human subject. Here we have 'the homage of the One like You (of Yours(?)' some would say); in Y. XXXIII, 8 we have Yasnem Mazdâ (Ahurâ) Khshmâvatô; in Y. XXXIV, 2 Khshmâvatô vahmê; in Y. XLIX, 6 Tãm daênãm yâ Khshmâvatô Ahurâ. Khshmâvatô is sometimes merely a way of saying 'of Thyself,' as mavaitê = to me. 112:3 Observe also the emphasis on his 'drawing near'; otherwise 'let Your one declare it to my friend' (?). 112:4 See Roth, Y. XXXI, 8. See, however, also de Harlez's suggestion, perhaps after the hint of the Pahlavi: 'qu’elle a été l’origine?' Here we have another instance where an entire verse seems to allude to Ahura in the third person with an address to Him thrown in, or at the close. In connection with angheus vahistahyâ Ahura must be the pourvya, as in Y. XXXI, 8, where Roth renders vornehmster. The guardian is also Ahura (see Y. XXXI, 13). 112:5 I cannot fully accept the hint of the Pahlavi here as others do who seldom heed it. I do not think that 'sin' is so much indicated as 'destruction.' 112:6 Mainyû is suspiciously expressive as a vocative; perhaps 'by spiritual power' would be safer. 113:1 'As a generator (?).' 113:2 Bartholomae follows the Pahlavi here as rendered by Ner. putting hveng and starem (-ãm) in the genitive, which is in itself far better than to regard dât as governing two accusatives. One would, however, rather expect hveng starãm adhvânem dât. 113:3 All follow the Pahlavi here, which renders with allowable freedom. Nerefsaitî (= Pahl. nerefsêd; Ner. nimîlati; Persian kâhad) might possibly be explained as a nasalised form of an Aryan correspondent to arbha, as nas = as. 113:4 Possibly from thine influence (?). 113:5 The infinitive vîduyê (= vîdvê) lies here in an unusual place, at the end of the sentence. It is because the word has no stress upon it. The emphasis rests on the objects which he desires to know about; the entire connection deals with 'knowing'; it has no prominence. 113:6 This rendering is not supported by the Pahlavi, which seems to report a rendering from some text with an a privative, and a form of dar. The 'unsupported' object might mean the 'air-space.' See the suggestion of Bartholomae 'the earth and the air-space,' comparing the later Sanskrit. 113:7 Or 'for velocity,' adverbially. Velocity, however, in the abstract as the object yoked-on, is rather too finely drawn. I should prefer p. 114 the fleet ones, the lightnings. My rendering follows the indication of another, as a dual, but not as to full exegesis. One naturally supposes the yoking together of the winds and dark clouds to be meant. 114:1 Recall svàr yád ásmann adhipâ´ u ándho.—Rv. VII, 88, 2. 114:2 Ner.: 'Who gave us the lights with his keen discrimination? And who the darkness? Who, in his keen discrimination, gave (us our) sleep and waking; [that is, our diligence and activity?] Who is he who gave us the time of husaina, and the time of rapithvana [ ], and the method and calculation of him who discerns by means of the just rule [ ]?' 114:3 So also the Pahlavi indicates by 'stavar.' 114:4 So I prefer; but the indication of the Pahlavi deserves an alternative 'giver of bounty'; skar = kar. 'Geus azyau' was later a common expression for a mature animal, but possibly vulgarised from its older special use here. 114:5 Root nî (?). 114:6 I thus add as the Pahlavi translator indicates such an element in uzemem. 115:1 Frakhshnî = in abundance (Pahl. kabed; Ner. prakuram; Persian MS. bisyar). The thought refers back to anyâkâ vîduyê [-vê]. 115:2 Haug sagaciously renders as if mendâidyâi were a miswriting for pendâidyâi, which is in itself very possible, as an 'm' looks much like an inverted in MSS. So the Pahlavi records the irregularity also, from which Haug derived his idea. But Haug explains the word as an allusion to the five prayer-hours of the day. I doubt very greatly whether the five prayer-hours existed at the date of the composition of this passage. Such regulations grew up much later. The Pahlavi translator indicates elsewhere an accusative (meng = mãm) with an infinitive 'that I should give forth,' which is in itself far from impossible. He was aware (!) that meng could also equal man; see Y. LIII, 5. 115:3 Vaêdyâi is infinitively used for vôizdyâi. 115:4 I do think that it is necessary on the whole to postulate two similar words here (although Geldner's suggestion is most keen and interesting). Urvâkhsanguha and urvâkhsukhti do not favour a comparison with vrag here. The Pahlavi is indifferent: Kîgûn denman î li rûbânŏ zak î sapîr hû-ravâkh-manîh? So Ner. uttamânandah. Barth. beglückend. 115:5 Kâ-tâ = kéna-téna. 115:6 Or, 'let those things happen to me;' gam means 'come' more frequently than 'go,' here. Lit. 'let it thus advance.' 115:7 Kîgûn denman î li dînô yôs-dâsar î avêgak yôs-dâsaryôm? Ner.: Katham idam aham yat* dînim pavitratarâm pavitrayâmi; [kila, dînim katham pravartamânâm karomi]? As Zarathustra is p. 116 represented as sanctifying the Fire (in Y. IX, 1), so here he would doubly sanctify the Faith itself. He would 'hallow its name' and meaning. 116:1 Pavanas-hamdemûnîh-ketrûnêd [pavan hamkhadûkîh]. 116:2 I cannot regard the caesura in this verse as possessing ordinary importance, the mahvyau (mahyau) kistôis is especially dependent on the following words. The Pahlavi translator hints at an important solution, which is, that a pause should be made before usen; 'the wish of mine understanding wishes, and I wish (am wishing); Khûrsand hômanam = I am content.' If we can accept a break (a possibility far too little recognised), the usen as representing a nom. sing. would refer back to the meaning in mahvyau (mahyau). But reading îstîs (as irregular for îstayô on account of the metre) we might regard usen as a third pl. Or shall we take it as a quasi-third singular, usen being usãm (en = the nasal vowel; comp. ûkãm as a third sing. imper. after Barth)? Let 'the wish (îstis) of my enlightened understanding wish for Thee.' 116:3 Compare 'aêshãm tôi, Ahura! ehmâ pourutemâis dastê.' p. 117 Auserkoren is a fine but a bold rendering. Election is, however, included in all divine prescience. 117:1 I have no doubt whatever, but that mainyeus and dvaêshanghâ belong together. 117:2 The Pahlavi translation is as follows: 'That which I ask of Thee, tell me aright, O Aûharmazd! when shall the perfect mind come to those persons [that is, when does the mind of my disciples become perfect]? When shall it come to those who declare this Thy Religion, O Aûharmazd? Grant to me before these the proclamation of the truth. Against every other spirit which is malevolent I keep my guard.' 117:3 Yâis adverbially, or possibly, 'with whom I question.' 117:4 Kyanghat is, I think, simply the equivalent for kî (?) anghat = quî fit, how does it happen that? 'Stands' free for 'comes.' 117:5 The Pahlavi on the contrary takes perenaunghô in the sense of combating, pavan anyôkhshîdâ´rîh patkârênd = '(who) are opposing you through disobedience.' It is far from certain that he does not indicate some improvement in text, or rendering. 117:6 Or, 'the counsels of holy men.' 118:1 Ashâi with Geldner. 118:2 The Pahlavi anticipates us in the correct general sense here. It has nas,hônisnŏ. The Persian MS. renders the Pahlavi, hamâvandî nîst dehand î darwand. 118:3 Anâshê seems regarded as an infinitive by the Pahlavi translator, anayâtûnisno. 'For the destruction of those deceivers' is an obvious alternative to the rendering above (â nashê?). 118:4 Geldner and Roth render mat = Sanskrit mad; otherwise 'with complete protection.' Or is mat ablative for genitive: If thou rulest over me to afford me protection? The Pahlavi affords no indication. 118:5 The Pahlavi translator erred widely in his attempt to render the word anaokanghâ. As it is certain that his MSS. differed from ours often, they probably did so here. The verse alludes beyond a question to some expected battle in a religious war, and perhaps in a religious civil war. It is the most positive allusion to the 'strife of the two parties' (V. XXXI, 2) which has come down to us. It was a struggle concerning the religious vows, or doctrines; avâis urvâtâis yâ tû Mazdâ dîdereghzô. 118:6 The Pahlavi renders vananãm by 'good thing,' explaining 'the sovereign power.' 119:1 Verethrem-gâ thwâ, following the Pahlavi with Westergaard, Geldner, and Bartholomae. 119:2 Compare Y. XXIX, 2 and Y. XXVIII, 3; or it may mean 'promise to establish' (Barth.). Kizdî, however, hardly seems to need an infinitive with it; it may mean 'appoint.' Compare dámsu (patnî) for a better sense than 'house-lord,' also for deng patôis. 119:3 This casts additional light on the 'one that should come' in Y. XLIII, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15. 119:4 This recalls ahmâi yahmâi ustâ kahmâikît. 119:5 The comparison with gar has long circulated among Zendists. Many adopt it. It agrees admirably with the Pahlavi as to sense: Aîmat, Aûharmazd! damânŏ kardârîh î Lekûm, when is Your appointment of the time? 119:6 The Pahlavi va mûnik zak i li gôbisno hômand khvâstar. 119:7 Va sardâr yehevûnisnîh madam Haurvadad va Amerôdâd; Ner. Svâmino bhavishyanti upari Avirdâde Amirdâde; comp. also Y. XLIX, 8 fraêstaunghô aunghâmâ. Professor Jolly compares bûzdyâi with φύεσθαι (Inf. s. 194). The long since circulated comparison with bhug seems to me hardly so probable. It may, however, deserve an alternative: 'to enjoy Weal and Immortality'; but accusatives p. 120 do not fall so naturally to the end of the sentence in Gâthic or Vedic, without preceding related or qualifying words. 120:1 Those suspected of no partisanship for the Pahlavi translation follow it here as against Haug, who translated the words ustremkâ by et amplius! It means a camel; so the Pahlavi translator rendered many centuries ago before Europeans even knew what the Indian úshtra meant, which simple analogy Neryosangh first drew. Horses were material for sacrifice among the Persians according to Herodotus. The reasons for the prayer are not fully expressed. 120:2 So better than as a first person aorist subjunctive, if taêibyô is to be read. The Pahlavi, however, read taibyô, which is not lightly to be passed over. 120:3 The rendering 'take' has long circulated. I do not, however, prefer it here. 120:4 Weal and Immortality, but hî might refer to the two objects, 'the mares' and the 'camel.' 120:5 The ideal Zarathustrian; comp. Y. XXXI, 15; XLIX, 9. 121:1 So also the Pahlavi followed by all. Kadâr valman pavan zak vinâsisnŏ aîtŏ fratûm; [aîgas pavan-vinâskârîh pâdafrâs fratûm maman]? Âkâs hômanam zak mûn valman aîtŏ afdûm [mamanas darvandîh]? Ner. (with regard to him) who does not give the reward which has come for the one fitted for, or deserving of, it [to Garathustra's equal], (the reward) which the truthful man; [that is, the good man] is giving to him, what is the first thing which happens through this sin of his? [that is, what is his first chastisement in consequence of this fault?] (For) I am aware of what his punishment shall be in the end [ ]. 121:2 The Pahlavi translator either had a text with some form of pâ, or was otherwise misled. He renders mûn netrûnd, but gives the word the adverse sense of 'hindering' in the gloss. Ner., however, has pratiskhalanti which points to peshyêintî, and also tends to show that other MSS. of the Pahlavi (and among them the one used by Ner.) read differently from our three, K5, D. J., and the Persian transliteration. Kãm = Ved. kám with dat. 121:3 See Y. XXIX, 1. 121:4 Professor Wilhelm 'vigour' (De Infin. p. 14). Next: Yasna XLV Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism « Previous: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... Index Next: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... » Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism

(19) (Yea, this I earnestly announce.) He who from Righteousness (in mind and life) shall verily perform for me, for Zarathustra, that which is thus most helpful (for my cause) according to my earnest wish (and through my words of urgent zeal) on him shall they bestow reward(s) beyond this earth, with all the mental blessings gained through the sacred mother-kine . And these things (all) did’st Thou (Thyself) command to me, O Mazda, Thou most wise ! 134:1 The Pahlavi translator sees the usual meaning in nemôi and nemô. He also accepts kãm zãm adverbially after the constant Greek usage. 'In what land shall I establish my religion (as it is here rejected); whither with my praises (of the true God) shall I go?' The rendering is so much richer that I turn from it with great reluctance. 134:2 It is to be regretted that able scholars should so hastily change the Gâthic text here without first trying to render it as it is. This is all the more necessary, as each independent writer disputes emendations. Pairî I think ought to stand. The hvaêtu, airyaman, and verezenem are also elsewhere alluded to, as appertaining to the hostile party sometimes, and therefore not among those from among whom (parâ?) the prophet would be expelled. 134:3 Dadaitî as a third plural has long been suggested with the eagerness of discovery. Its subjects would then be khshnâus, and that implied in yâ verezenâ. But the construction is difficult thus, and it may be greatly doubted whether we had not better alter our discovery back into the singular with the Pahlavi. I am greatly confirmed in my view of the grammatical form of khshnâus by Bartholomae's decision for a nominal form. Otherwise it would be a third singular, with loss of the final dental. 134:4 Hekâ seems to be an irregular form (see Y. LVIII, 4). I can p. 135 only make an exclamatory isque = talisque of it. The Pahlavi renders freely as if some form of hi = to bind were before him (recall hôis?), or perhaps he read hakâ, rendering as = these all together, hamsâyakik; Ner. ye svasrenayo. 135:1 So the Kine complained of him in Y. XXIX, 9 as anaêsha; so also the Pahlavi, explaining akhvâstar [aîgham denman atûbânîkîh maman râî khavîtûnam]. He proceeds li amat kam ramak va amatik kam-gabrâ hômanam, explaining anaêshô as not being an îshâ-khshathra. Mâ = smâ notwithstanding position (?). 135:2 'Nim wahr' has long since circulated as a rendering for âkhsô; and with îstîm in the sense of 'prayer,' it has afforded the admirable sense 'observe, take heed of the desire of the pious.' But we have a positive proof of the meaning 'teach,' 'declare' for khsa; see Y. LXV, 9 (Wg.). So also in Y. XXVIII, 5. That Ahura possessed an îsti is clear from Y. XXXIV, 5. And if the sage could ask, 'What is your îsti (wealth)? what is your kingdom (power over possessions)?' it is certainly not strained to suppose that he could say here; 'tell me concerning your wealth,' especially as he bewails his poverty. Îsti is in antithesis to the idea expressed in kamnafshvâ and kamnânâ. So also the Pahlavi as translated by the Persian ‘hezânah. 135:3 Ukshâno would seem to be an ancient error for ushâno, as the Pahlavi translator renders as if reading ushâ in Y. L, 10, and p. 136 not ukhshâ. Otherwise 'increasers of the days' is a fine expression, but suspicious in view of the Pahlavi rendering in Y. L, 10. Ner.'s *vikâsayitryo (sic) is striking, but I cannot claim for it all that it seems to offer, as Ner. elsewhere renders forms of vakhsh by those of kas. The Persian follows the Pahlavi. 136:1 Comp. Y. XLIV, 1. 136:2 Pa in the sense of 'keeping back from welfare' as well as in that of 'protection,' a sense first taught us by the Pahlavi writers, is now at last generally acknowledged. It now, like many other suggestions of the Pahlavi, actually casts light in the rendering of the analogous Vedic word. 136:3 So the mass of MSS. with the Pahl. min fravâmisnŏ; Persian az raftan. The expression might refer to the 'going of the kine,' as representing the people in her 'path.' 136:4 Comp. Y. XXXI, 18. 136:5 Pahl. zak î pavan dûs-stahamak; Ner. dushto balâtkârî. The elements seem to be duz + hazô + bâo(= vâo). 136:6 Ush in Iranian seems to have the sense of destruction combined with it sometimes; hence aoshah, aoshisnŏ. 136:7 Kar can well mean 'attain to.' Pathmeng as = paths (so I formerly rendered) gives a far feebler sense than that indicated by the first Zendist, the Pahlavi writer. The 'wisdom' of preparing stores for the kine, even if we suppose an animal only to be meant; p. 137 is obvious. The Iranian winter was something very different from that in India. But the kine is not alluded to without a certain figurative meaning: she represents the people, and as such she cried aloud; and Zarathustra received the commission to relieve her sufferings as such. That the word hukistôis stands in the genitive should not disturb us. The 'care for the kine' was a matter of national importance, and 'wisdom' could not better be exercised than in this direction. 137:1 Or we may render 'he who as ruler does not bestow favours upon him who approaches with injury.' The hint of the Pahlavi favours this. 137:2 Hvaêtavê is here, as in Y. XXXIII, 4; Y. XXXII, 1, and the first verse of this chapter, the hostile chieftain called 'kinsman' in an aristocratic sense by Zarathustra and his group. 137:3 I compare uzûithyauska which is used of the breaking forth of water. The Pahlavi translator seems to have had some such idea 'mûn lâlâ hengîdŏ,' but with him the entire line, which divides all writers, favours the sense 'in saving him from his impiety.' Khrûnyât is a verbal form (with Bartholomae). 137:4 The Pahlavi translator sees the root is = to wish in ismanô, 'who does not willingly approach him;' or 'who does not approach desiring (and seeking?) him.' 137:5 I am gratified to see that another takes nearly this view of this line. He has 'verfolgt.' 138:1 Haêthahyâ, as a masculine, is awkward, as would be baêthahyâ, so the Pahl. (of the terrifier). A loc. of haithya may be correct, taking dâmãn also as a loc. Otherwise 'to the creatures of the Lie, and the enchainer (or terrifier).' 138:2 Or, 'as Thou didst make the souls at first.' 138:3 So with K6, K9 (Barth.). 138:4 Some render 'me' here, who seem elsewhere loath to translate thwâvant as = like thee, thee. Khshmâvatô, thwâvãs, and mavaitê, in Y. XLIV, 1, may be rendered, 'of you,' 'thou,' and 'to me.' 138:5 So the Pahlavi indicates. I have, however, elsewhere, as against tradition, rendered as if the root were dar(e)s; 'has set his eye on me for vengeance.' 138:6 One might be tempted to read tat môi dãs tvem; 'that granting me, do Thou speak forth for the faith.' 138:7 The Pahlavi translator indicates the root sâ by his rêsh; so read as alternative, 'let him not wound us.' 138:8 The meaning 'but contrariwise' has been ventured on. The indication of the Pahlavi is 'in opposing;' pavan padîrak yâmtûnisnŏ. 138:9 The Pahlavi here misses the point, and taking pâyât in its usual p. 139 sense, falls into confusion. The ancient scholars, like some of their successors, could not always believe that pâ could mean 'to hold back from good' as well as from evil. They recognised it sometimes, giving us our instruction on the subject, but not here. 139:1 Did the composer appeal to some powerful coadjutor here, or does he rhetorically express his perplexity? 139:2 Zevîstîm must equal forms of hû; but from the constant evidence of the Pahlavi to the meaning 'endearing,' one is much inclined to suggest a reading as if from zush. 139:3 Ashavanem is applied to Ahura, and cannot so well mean 'righteous' here. 'Holy' is the more proper term in this connection, while spentem is necessarily excluded from that meaning by its occurrence with ashavanem in immediate connection. 139:4 Notice that the word tashâ occurs here with no mention of wounding in the connection (see note 6 on page 6). 139:5 I am here recalled to the Pahlavi by some who rarely name it. I had rendered, 'these words are inciting me (in duty) through Thy Good Mind;' so ish often in the Veda. The Pahlavi translator, like his successors, scandalised at the difficult forms, also anticipated his successors (as elsewhere often) in getting free from the difficulty. He did what is exactly equivalent to what is now practised by scholars (sometimes too often). He rendered the text as if changed from what he could not understand to what he could understand, adhering to the right roots however, which I now follow. He knew that ishenti mâ did not mean, 'I am seeking,' but he could not credit the words before him. 139:6 We have now a suggestion which must often have presented itself to those who read the Rig-veda constantly, and that is (so p. 140 Bartholomae) that mâ may equal smâ here and often elsewhere. It is well possible, as the 's' often disappears. 140:1 Notice once more the expression, 'Thou hast known;' so in Y. XXVIII, II, the composer confides the very direction of his petitions to the discrimination of the Deity. We gain from this the true sense of peresâ nau yâ tôi ehmâ parstâ; Ahura's question and prayer are mighty when repeated by us, because He has known what is best, and what are the true dâtheng for which we should ask. 140:2 This sense corresponds admirably with the connection; Ner. utthâpayâmi. 140:3 Such as you = you as in the plural of majesty, or as referring to Ahura and His Bountiful Immortals (so often). 140:4 'Go forth.' 140:5 Or, 'with kings;' but the Pahlavi has, avŏ khûdâyîh ayûgênd mûn Kîk va Karapŏ. 140:6 So the Pahlavi indicates. Otherwise 'will harden,' or, if khraodat is read, 'will rage (against).' 140:7 Inserted to shed light on the last line; so the later Parsism. 141:1 I am again brought back to the Pahlavi, having formerly rendered 'bodies,' which I would now put in the second place. 141:2 The Pahlavi, although as usual free or erroneous as to forms, gives us the valuable hint of hengî-aît for uzgen (sic = gayen). 141:3 Here we have the clear evidence of the conversion of a border tribe. The Zarathustrians had saved some Turanian clan from plunder or annihilation, and so secured their friendship. These became known as the 'friendly people.' That true Zarathustrian piety may have arisen among them is of course possible. 141:4 It need hardly be said that this reference to Z. in the third person, does not prove that the composer was not Z. himself. One might even say that his authorship was even not less probable on this account. 141:5 Let it be noted that the Pahlavi translator gives us our first critical knowledge as to the true writing and meaning of mehmaidî; or will scholars object that he renders in the singular? Valman pavan zak î Lekûm Aharâyîh hamîshak minâm khûp hamkhâk; Ner. dhyâyâmi suddha-sakhâyam. 142:1 Shall we regard this verse as misplaced because the subject is in the second person? It is probable (as of very many verses) that it was often recited by the composer, or others, in a different connection, and perhaps originally so; but it was a happy thought for the effect to introduce it here. Let it be supposed that this and the previous verse were arranged to be spoken by another voice during the public recital. We see that the interest is much increased by the intruding strophe. 142:2 This passage may be regarded as recording the call of Vîstâspa to the holy work. Zu = hû need not always express the invocation of the gods. 142:3 Others, 'unite.' 142:4 Or, 'ye take to you the righteous character to yourselves,' as the infinitive is difficult; but in that case Khshmaibyâ becomes awkward. The translation of dâ as 'take' has long been familiar. 142:5 Obviously composed for an occasion when the several parties would be present. 143:1 Ar(e)dra seems to be especially applied, and might be left unrendered. 143:2 I see no impossibility whatever in such a rendering, literally in 'his choice-abode;' so also the Pahlavi indicates: tamman aîgh Aûharmazd pavan kâmak dên demânŏ ketrûnêd. The question is of 'going' and 'dwelling,' and the meaning 'abode' is quite in point. As to var, see îstâ khshathrâ; and compare mazdâvarâ. Aside from this, vardmãm = in blessing. 143:3 The Pahlavi again, with its followers, gives us our first hint at the general meaning here. What else can his padmân and apadmânîk mean, but the regularity, that is, the rhythm and cadence of the words? 143:4 Dâthemkâ adâthemkâ would be 'the truth and the heresy' in general. 143:5 If mantû is taken as an instrumental, (can it be an act. imper.?) vistâ might occupy the place of a preterit, but it looks far more like a participle, and might be regarded as forming a compositum with vahmeng. Supply the dat. (?) pers. pron. understood before ye. 143:6 The alteration to yaus, considered as an aorist, has long circulated, but seems now, like so many of the bolder conceptions, to be given up. Yaos is the sister word of the Vedic yós, and p. 144 shows us that some shade of sanctity may inhere in that word. The Pahlavi renders more indefinitely by 'yân' = a helpful blessing. 144:1 The Pahlavi translator, however, saw menâ, rendering avŏ li. His text may well have justified him. 144:2 Bearing; or is it 'fit to drive?' 144:3 The Pahlavi here reports another text. (SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES. Askît, in verse 18, may equal 'verily indeed.' Vahistâ, &c.= 'the best things of my wealth will I assign to him through the Good Mind.' The meaning 'wealth' seems much called for here, and if here, then in verse 2. Vasnâ in verse 19 may mean 'through grace.') Next: Yasna XLVII Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism « Previous: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... Index Next: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... » Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism

(11) (But as to faithless reprobates); the souls (of the evil dead) shall meet those evil men who serve their evil rulers, who speak with evil words, and harbour evil consciences, these souls (in Hell) shall come with evil food (to welcome them), and in the Lie's abode their dwelling verily shall be ! 162:1 If this word does not simply mean 'a band,' one might suspect a relation of root with bãnayen. The Pahlavi has expressively and freely badtûm here, and vîmarîh in the next verse, with a like word in Y. XXX, 6. This enemy may have been roughly dubbed 'the polluted,' or even 'diseased one;' analogous occurrences are not wanting. 162:2 I cannot agree to rendering ashâ 'really,' when applied in an evil sense. The sacred word may mean 'really' when applied to the righteous, but then, in that case, the reality indicated has an element of sanctity in it, and that of no low order. I am also not aware that riténa is applied in an evil sense in the Rig-veda. The use of Asha, like that of Vohu Manah and Khshathra, &c., is obvious in the Gâtha; the six sacred words were, like the theme of a symphony, brought in at every opportunity, with all shades of meaning from those of proper names to those of adverbs. With slight change of text to a nom., we might render, 'He who seeks to please the evil-minded, O Thou A.!' 162:3 Comp. Y. XXXIII, 2, 162:4 I cannot agree that arapâ should be read rapâ for the sake of a syllable in the metre. The line has more than eleven syllables here, as the Vedic Trishtup often has. Moreover the ancient writing before the Pahlavi translator read likewise arapâ, and the sense demands it. 162:5 Or, 'may I obtain.' 162:6 See Y. LIII, 9. 162:7 See the first verse. 163:1 I would gladly accede to a subjunctive 2nd singular intensive here in a causative sense, but a 3rd singular precedes, and a 3rd singular follows. I cannot therefore recognise a subjunctive in a precative, or imperative, sense here. I think the word is a nominative, as its position in the verse corresponds well to that form. It may mean 'delivering against us many a wound.' 163:2 Possibly 'for us in (this) land.' 163:3 Comp. Y. XLIV, 13. 163:4 Comp. Y. XXX, 2. 163:5 See mazistô in the first verse. 163:6 The Pahlavi mûn rêshînêd pavan Drûg. 163:7 The Pahlavi translator gave as our first rendering here: Andarg harvîsp-gûnŏ darvandânŏ min hamkhâkîh andarg yemalelûnam; [aîgh, min dôstîh î levatman valmansân gavîdâk yehevûnam]. 163:8 The Pahlavi has arêshkŏ = envy. 164:1 The Pahlavi gave us our first surmise as to the general meaning of vãs; it renders kâmak. 164:2 Or, 'by that which is the evil's Faith.' 164:3 The Pahlavi translator gave us our first general indication here as elsewhere; he has shîrînîh and karpîh. Reading 'Mazdau,' we have 'Mazda (is our source of) abundance and refreshment.' 164:4 See the fourth verse. 164:5 The Pahlavi has, however, khûp shinâsakîh. I differ with hesitation; possibly views may be harmonised. 164:6 Compare Y. XXIX, 3, where Asha answers. I cannot well accept mrûitê as an infinitive. Geldner has keenly pointed out that fraêshyâ is inclined to unite with an infinitive, but so are other forms of ish and vas. Moreover the infinitive does not so naturally fall to the end of the sentence in Gâthic or Vedic. (See above, note on Y. XXXIV, 1.) If an infinitive is insisted upon (so long since) let us at least bring the word into more usual shape, using the Pahlavi translator, as in one of his most valuable offices, as an indirect evidence, where his translation is at fault as a rendering. He has: Frâzŏ avŏ zak î Lekûm farmâyêm, Aûharmazd, va Ashavahistŏk râî yemalelûnam. He had 'mrûvê' before him, which might be an infinitive. 165:1 I think that khshmâvatô equals simply 'yourself' here, as often (so mavant = me); otherwise 'of your disciple,' which would be feeble. Professor Jolly has, V.S., s. 97, 'damit wir ihn verkündigen möchten den Glauben, welcher der euere ist, o Ahura.' 165:2 See the ninth verse. 165:3 Ahura is elsewhere addressed in close connection with human beings; here the human subject is half lost in Vohûman and Asha. I hardly think that it is wise to change the text without MSS. A lost verse may have relieved all difficulty. 165:4 Others 'the good doctrine,' or again 'the good repute;' but as to the latter, frasasti is coupled so constantly in the later Avesta with yasna, and vahma, &c., that I do not feel at liberty to depart from that sense. The Pahlavi has also vâfrîgânîh, quite in harmony with the connection. 165:5 This verse is clearly an answer to the questions contained in verse 7. It is a half answer, even if we render dau (dâo) as a subjunctive. As the question in verse 7 certainly concerns a chief of some kind, I cannot see how we can avoid rendering sarem analogously. We need one who gives a refuge rather than one who receives it. Compare the Pahlavi, and also the Persian, sar. The Pahlavi p. 166 translation gives its evidence without intermission for this meaning, a fact largely overlooked. 166:1 I think that the connection fairly proves this meaning; and it has likewise the powerful support of the Pahlavi translation: Hamâi vad avŏ vîspŏ farmânpatŏ hômanânî [aîgh, Frashostar [ ] vad tanû î pasînŏ hamâî salîtâîh yehabûn]. 166:2 It is not to be forgotten that su is the root of Saoshyant. 166:3 Comp. Y. XXXI, 15. 166:4 Or 'gives;' compare peresâ avat yâ mainis ye dregvâitê khshathrem hunâitî. Professor Jolly, V.S., s. 36: 'Nicht soll wer das Rechte redet, die Herrschaft dem Lügner überlassen.' 166:5 Yâhî remains a singular, whereas we should expect a dual; (can it be such, the form being altered, as so often by later reciters, to accommodate the metre?) For Gâmâspâ and yukhtâ as duals compare utayûitî tevîsht. Yâhî probably refers to Vîstâspa (Y. XLVI, 14). Was it an especial epithet for the kings? The later Persian kings took prominent places in battle. If the duals are not admitted, my rendering would be, 'the souls are united with the reward through the (influence and example of the) valiant Gâmâspa.' Perhaps Gâmâspô is to be read. 167:1 This is probably the foundation for the later identification of Vohû Manah and the faithful disciple. 167:2 Here all is conjectural. The Pahlavi reports an adjective from a form of man (or a participle). They who think upon the throne (to seize it) do so with dying power. Wilder conjectures have been made; but the Pahlavi translators seldom wilfully guessed. They took the shattered results of their predecessors, and worked them feebly over; hence their great value, and the unimportance of their errors. They used what intelligence they possessed in redelivering what they heard and read. Vazdanghâ cannot well be taken in an evil sense, as it is used in a good sense elsewhere. The connection mãzâ with râ has long circulated; mãzâ avêmî râ (?). As the souls of the departed are thought of, perhaps 'undying' is the meaning; compare avemîra (for form) with the Zend avimithris. 167:3 See Yast XXII by Darmesteter, as supplemented. 167:4 So the Pahlavi; otherwise 'their bodies shall so lie.' 167:5 Verse 12 belongs to the next chapter. Next: Yasna L Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism « Previous: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasn... Index Next: The Zend Avesta, Part III (SBE31): The Gâthas: Yasna L » Sacred Texts | Zoroastrianism

(3) Of all these genera, those [species] which are animal have [many] roots, which stretch from the above below, whereas those which are stationary —these from [one] living root send forth a wood of branching greenery up from below into the upper parts. Moreover, some of them are nourished with a two-fold form of food, while others with a single form. Twain are the forms of food—for soul and body, of which [all] animals consist. Their soul is nourished by the ever-restless motion of the World ; their bodies have their growth from foods [drawn] from the water and the earth of the inferior world. Spirit, with which they all are filled, being interblended with the rest, doth make them live; sense being added, and also reason in the case of man—which hath been given to man alone as a fifth part out of the æther. Of all the living things [God] doth adorn, extend, exalt, the sense of man alone unto the understanding of the Reason of Divinity. But since I am impressed to speak concerning Sense, I will a little further on set forth for you the sermon on this [point]; for that it is most holy, and [most] mighty, not less than in the Reason of Divinity itself. VII